Customer Reviews

1848: Year of Revolution

5 star:		(3)
4 star:		(6)
3 star:		(5)
2 star:		(3)
1 star:		(0)

 

 

Having just read Jonathan Keates excellent The Siege of Venice, and while presently half way through Jasper Ridley's Garibaldi, I was tempted by 1848 when it appeared at my local bookshop; so, putting aside Garibaldi, I plunged headlong into Mike Rapport's brilliant narrative, emerging the richer for the experience.

The subject matter for 1848 is wide ranging and complex in the extreme but Mike Rapport gives us a highly readable, cohesive narrative that bristles with all the hopes and disappointments of the time.

We are given cameo appearances of some of the main personalities involved: Alexander Herzen, Karl Marx, Kossuth, Mazzini, Garibaldi, Bismarck and Napolean III, who has all the odiousness of a modern day politicain; comfortably voted into power, the author makes a fine point in reminding us of his act of perjury. There are others of course, all contributing to this lively narrative.

Despite pre-1848 social unrest and revolutionary tremors, 1848 was a phenomenon in itself where a population explosion coupled with food shortages impelled the peasantry and working class to merge spontaneously with a liberal middle class, whose agenda was directed at a broadening of the constitution and male suffrage, and freedom of the press and opinion within a congenial atmosphere for reform. This drag net of unrest cut across many social groups where the working class were just one segment. Interestingly, Karl Marx appeared intransigent even then, attempting to radicalise this surge by insisting on a class war of workers against the status quo and almost ignoring or holding in contempt the diversity of the groups involved. This endemic lack of flexibility in Marx and others would soon become general, ultimately, along with an inherent fear of anarchy, undermining the initial homogeneity of the revolution, setting radicals and republicans against liberals and moderates, while the peasantry would split off and join the landed conservatives with their new found emancipation. Finally, with attitudes hardening as national aspirations rose, the reactionary regimes, sensing the divide between radicals and moderates (compounded in central and eastern Europe by ethnic divisions), drove the wedge home with the military arm still under their control.

This could be seen as a very broad outline but it is subject to contradictions and variations according to the different European regions that fall under the sweep of the narrative. Mike does a thrilling job at keeping the various epicentres of the revolution on the boil simultaneously; as we crisply make our way through the book, the various strands continue to be gathered together. The Conclusion is masterful, balancing despair with hope and contrasting the verdicts of history with the telescopic lens of the fall of communism in 1989; the lessons of 1848 are relevant to the 21st century also and should never be forgotten.

Based primarily on secondary sources (but what a selection: Frank Eyck, Jonathan Keates etc!), I'd never heard of Mike Rapport until this timely publication reached the shelves and I'm sure I will be one of many who will look forward to his next work.

I had so much hope for this book. And perhaps it really is everything the other reviews claim, but for someone coming to the book with only a general knowledge of European events mid-19th century, it was difficult to keep everything straight.

That means, in the end, that I don't feel like I learned much.
I consider this a great failure on the part of a book that seems dedicated to providing a basic summary of the events of 1848 to an (albeit educated) popular audience.

The narrative suffered greatly in approaching the pan-European revolutions chronologically, rather than by geographical area. By jumping to a different country every 20 pages--and therefore entirely different circumstances, with different key players and problems to overcome--facts get muddled if you aren't already familiar with them. Blame me for not knowing much about Mazzini before coming to this book (I am again assuming this is for an educated popular audience), but when I haven't been reading about him for 70 pages and then he suddenly makes another appearance I don't much remember who he is. Mazzini? What? Manin? Hm? I don't know.

Rapport also packs his sentences with numerous pieces of vital information, a trait of academic writing but fatal in narrative history. Each sentence carries an average of three different points, it seems, which makes the going slow and difficult.
Turning to a random page: "His [Jelacic's] dizzying rise began in the summer when Batthyany, well aware of Hungary's shortage of munititions, ordered him to buy ammunition from abroad and to learn how percussion caps were made--a skill which, ironically, he duly studied at the imperial fireworks factory in Wiener-Neustadt" (p. 313).
Let's play a game. How many pieces of information are communicated in that one sentence? How many contribute to understanding the situation at hand? How many lead you to further questions?

To be fair, sometimes Rapport's needless additional information can be very entertaining, and a breath of fresh air from the difficult narrative at hand. His introduction of Ferdinand: "Since 1835 the Emperor had been the mentally disabled Ferdinand (in one famous outburst, he yelled at his courtiers, 'I am the Emperor and I want dumplings!'). He was loved by his subjects, who affectionately referred to him as 'Ferdy the Loony'... (p. 8)

And, of course, Rapport's greatest weakness is also his greatest strength. He is comprehensive and exhaustive to a fault, but his writing also makes you feel that you're not missing out on any of the important events even in a general summary narrative like this one.

In sum, I wish I could give the book more stars. But I just didn't take that much from it. I was generally entertained, and learned some of the overarching themes of the time (revolutions affected each other, longterm beneficial consequence was the end of serfdom, etc.). But not much more. And therefore I cannot bring myself to say that it is worth the time committment.

1848 marks the beginning of general revolution in Europe, the first crack in von Metternich's reactionary order, the greatest upheaval since the French revolution in 1792. The revolutions of 1848 are even more remarkable than their predecessor in that they were so widespread and multiple, with uprisings in Western, Central, and Eastern Europe.

Due to its ubiquitious nature, a major event like 1848 poses special problems for any historian wishing to provide an account for the general public. Mike Rapport rises admirably to the task, however. His new book is a concise, readable summarization of the events of that fateful year, from the glorious spring and summer that raised such high hopes for the cause of revolution and reform, to the gathering of the counter-revolutionary forces that slowly crushed resistance everywhere in the grim days of autumn.

Rapport gives a good general view of the factors that led to revolution in 1848. At that point, Europe had been held in check for over 30 years by repressive, reactionary regimes,all cobbled together by von Metternich at the Treaty of Berlin of 1815 in a careful balance of power enforced by the great powers: Great Britain, Russia, Prussia, France, and Austria. Despite the old's order's best efforts, long repressed grievances and issues came to a boil in 1848. These varied from peasants seeking an end to serfdom and feudal duties, to liberals who wanted sensible reform, to radicals who wanted a republic instead of a monarch, to (very importantly)nationalists who wanted their own country. For various reasons, reactionary pigheadedness large among them, the old order either could not or would not address these issues.

Rapport succinctly tells how these factors led to insurrection. Crucial moments in a year filled with high drama are vividly depicted: the abdication of Louis-Phillipe, the last king of France,the fall of von Metternich, the wars that raged up and down Italy with heroes like Garibaldi, and the sad end of the revolutions when so many men died in a vain effort to hold onto their newfound gains. In this respect, the execution of Hungarian officers by the Austrians at the end of the rebellion stands out as particularly tragic and cruel.

Rapport concludes on a basically upward note, pointing out that while the revolutions of 1848 generally ended in military defeat for their supporters, many aspects of the changes sought by the revolutionaries (such as constitutional government) came about as a result. He also notes that 1848 can be interpreted as marking a turning point in the general evolution in Europe away from centuries of absolutist government and war to parliamentary democracy and general stability. I agree with him that the general state of European affairs is considerably more stable and democratic than during most of its previous history. Given the current dismal state of the world's economy and the possibility of other stresses (environmental, energy, etc.), I can only hope it stays that way.

I recommend this book to anyone seeking a deeper understanding of 1848 and its significance in European history.

1848 was an important year in European history. It was the year when revolts of middle class thinkers joined with workers to threaten the stifling status quo of European monarchy. This historical survey of that momentous year looks at events in five principle empires:
1. Austria-Franz Joseph takes the throne as rioting breaks out against the government in Vienna. Austria wages a brutal war against the Italian states she governs. The year ends with the forces of conservativism and monarchy in charge. The Austro-Hungarian empire will collapse in World War I.
2. Italy-This country is a patchwork of various duchys and monarchial regimes. Among the most powerful are Piedmont, Tuscany and Lombardy. Efforts by separatist rebels in Sicily are crushed. This is the year in which the heroes of Italian independence began to play a role in Italian and Vatican affairs. Men like Mazzini and Garabaldi enter center stage. The Pope Pius IX is driven from Rome by the French army. Italy is a nation of poor crops and a large illiterate population. Independence will not come until the 1860's when the yoke of Austria is removed Italy's neck.
3. Prussia-A strong militaristic state under Emperor Friedrich Wilhelm this is the most powerful state in the Germanic lands.
Prussia will eventually unite Germany in 1870 and defeat her chief rival France in the Franco-Prussian war. Efforts to unite the various German states are not successful during 1848.
4. France is a nation rife with political turmoil. Louis Napoleon emerges from the fray to be crowned as Napoleon III. France is an economy in shambles with crop failures and peasant unrest.
5. Russia is the most backward and autocratically ruled of the major nations in Europe. Czar Nicholas I clamps down on personal freedoms and censors the press. Dissidents are executed or shipped to Siberia. The peasants are still living in serfdom and will not be freed until 1860.
Dr. Rapport devotes a great deal of attention to the complex political and military chess moves involved in the politics of central European countries such as Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Poland. This material was new to me and will either interest or bore the American reader.
The period saw the emergence of such luminaries as Karl Marx, Fredrick Engles, Bismarck, Garibalid, Mazzini, Louis Kossuth and Alexander Herzen. These leaders and thinkers are given attention by the author.
While the result of the quest for political and social freedom came a cropper in 1848 the seeds for future revolutionary movements in Europe were solidly planted to emerge in the Communist Revolution of 1917. Ethnic hatreds are also on evident display in these many pages. These racial and ethnic phobias will also emerge into twentieth century conflicts. Racial hatred for the Jews is discussed which is a harbinger of the rise of Fascism and the Nazi party.
Dr. Rapport has done a great job researching a complex topic. However, his writing style reads like a dry as dust textbook. The book would best be utilized in a class on nineteenth century European history.

Aili's critical review below is not unfair: the method of presentation makes the story hard to follow at times as the author pops back and fourth around Europe and the writing is not always the best. Rapport tells his story through different stages of events, the original street revolutions in the spring of 1848, the uneasy summer which followed and the eventual counter revolutions mostly in the fall. As Aili notes, by jumping from country to country during each of these stages, one loses track of what is happening in any particular country which tends to break up the narrative flow.

However, in the end, I found there to be benefits as well to the method of presentation. By recounting each of these stages in parallel across multiple countries, Rapport clearly establishes his thesis that what happened in 1848 was a EUROPEAN event, not a set of individual national events. And at times I found the stories enthralling, particularly near the end as Rapport recounts Hungary's and Italy's fights with Austria. Nevertheless, most of the time the book is a difficult plod and while I think Aili's two stars is bit low, my four is probably too high.

While the book jacket compares the widespread revolutions of 1848 to those of 1989, the book itself reveals that the upheaval of 1848 led mainly (and quickly) to counter-revolution and conservative retrenchment. Thus, the subject of the book is largely one of anti-climax.

Revolutions of varying degrees swept across much of Europe, including France, Italy, Germany, Prussia, Austria, and Hungary. The movements tended to be nationalist, liberal, and democratic - sometimes republican, in the sense of giving the heave-ho to the reigning monarch. Nationalist, liberal, and democratic values did not necessarily cohere.

The movements experienced exciting successes; exciting but short-lived. Within the year most of the democratic and liberal advances were been swept away by counter-revolutions that restored power to conservative monarchs in nearly every country. Nationalism fared somewhat better. The revolutions arguably did further the unification of Germany and Italy in the coming decades.

The broad scope of Rapport's book, albeit contained within one year, presents a formidable challenge to any writer. Nineteenth century Europe presents the reader with bewildering complexity. Bear in mind that Italy and Germany did not exist in the modern sense, but rather consisted of a plethora of independent or quasi-independent entities. Hungary was struggling for independence from - or at least within - the Habsburg Empire. Each `country' had its own autonomous movements with its own leaders. Complexities multiply. Thus, I think it is not too harsh to say that Rapport falls short of rendering a structured and clear history.

Rapport's beginning is strong, but he soon begins to plod through each country's revolt seriatim; first France, then Germany, Hungary, and Italy. The same process is repeated through each six chapters. He brutally overuses the familiar phrasing "the latter" and "the former", which is annoying and confusing; why not just use the name of the person or place again? With dozens of names and places, repeating them would have been helpful.

Until the brief conclusion, Rapport does not provide context or structure. The reader's head spins with mostly unfamiliar names and places and is soon buried under a mountain of detail. Had Rapport woven the larger perspective one finds in the Conclusion into the main narrative, he would have produced a far more elucidating book.

Overall, I liked 1848 but it could have been better. The book jumps around from France, to Germany, then Italy, then France again... It seemed like a very disjointed narrative. Still, it was fairly informative for me, as someone with little prior knowledge about the subject. I don't think the author is guilty of the information-dumping of which he has been accused. If you're already well-versed in the subject, however, then I suspect that this book may seem rather superficial.

Recommended.

1848 was a very noteworthy year in world history. Here in North America, the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo following the Mexican War gave the United States its present-day Southwest, while in Europe, there was a series of revolutions that had reverberations that affected that continent into the twentieth century.

Mike Rapport examines what happened in the revolutions on the other side of the Atlantic in "1848: Year of Revolution". He examines some of the factors that led to the unrest, including nationalism, economic dislocation, and demands on the part of the people for reforms such as free speech, regular parliaments, religious freedom, and trial by jury. The author provides a good account of the colorful characters and military campaigns associated with the revolutions, and lists the causes, including divisions between liberals and radicals, that led to the failure of the revolutions.

Rapport explains why, despite the fact that the revolutions appeared to be failures in the short term, they were not failures ultimately, in that many of the goals of the revolutionaries were adopted in later decades. The author closes by comparing the revolutions of 1989 to those of 1848. Even the pages of illustrations in the book are very good--included is a stunning daguerreotype of barricades in Paris.

I came to this book via Alexander Herzen's 'My Life and Thoughts' which I had been reading in an edition by Constance Garnett. Although it flows well enough, the 'Faber Finds' edition of Garnett's edition lacks an introduction, footnotes, an index and maps. Herzen himself does not cover the events of 1848, but he writes of its aftermath as if his readers will be well-acquainted with the great names of the period. These days, most general readers of history will certainl have heard of Mazzini and Garibaldi. Less familiar to English readers will be the names of Alexandre Ledru-Rollin, Louis-Auguste Blanqui, Daniel Manin, Robert Blum, Gustave Struve, Friedrich Hecker, Kossuth, Batthyany, Karl Leiningen-Westerburg, and Arthur Gorgey. Yet these names were to echo round Europe for almost 75 years until the memories of the Revolutions of 1848 were erased in the catastrophes that overtook the greater part of the continent between 1917-1989.

Mile Rapport has been a senior lecturer in History at Stirling University since 1995. His book is a useful, if slightly leaden guide to the events, personalities and issues of the period, and a sobre analysis of the causes, effects and consequences. Other reviewers on this web-page have complained of the strictly chronological approach as the narrative moves, nation by nation, through the spring, summer, and autumn of 1848, but it is difficult to see how else Mr Rapport could have handled his comprehensive account of events, for what happenned in one capital immediately had an effect upon events in others, whilst, at the same time, the traditions, culture and social composition of each nation meant that each nation's politics took its own, ditinct course. The Italians, apparently, still use the expression 'un vero quarantotto' to describe a complete mess, and without its chronological and topographical structure this book could quite easily have become one. It does mean, however, that cross-reference is an indspensible, if tedious, requirement - but the index is both valuable and practical. Not so the only map - which is is useless for any purpose other than establishing the broad outlines of Central European geography - and the illustrations which are in black and white and distinctly uninspiring.

Reading one of the US Reviewers of this book reminded me of Neville Chamberlain's famous broadcast on the German annexation of the Sudetenland: 'How horribe, fantastic, incredible it is that we should be digging trenches and trying on gas mqsks here because of a quarrel in a far away country between people of whom we know nothing' but the real merit of this book lies in demonstrating how crucial to understanding European history of the last 175 years were these largely forgotten events. Americans who want to know what their forces were doing in Europe from 1917 onwards, and why, in particular, socialism, fascism, nationalism and racism have had a potency in Europe quite distinct from their manifestationns in the United States will certainly profit from this study of a period that Lewis Namier once called 'the seed bed of history.'

For the European reader the book demonstrates, in a convincing way, how what began as a middle class militancy for political recognition rapidly brought forth a more radical demand for social justice. Mr Rapport effectively reiterates Herzen's conclusion that, in the end, the middle class liberals compromised with the reactionaries because they were terrified of the threat to commerce and property, but Mr Rapport adds complexity to this judgment by demonstrating that the fear of chaos and anarchy was at least legitimate. Pope Pius IX began the year 1848 as a progressive: it was the vicious, unprovoked and shocking assassination of his moderate prime-minister, Pellegrino Rossi, by the radicals that turned the Pope into a reactionary - but such are the injustices of history - Pius is now mockingly known as 'Nono' and the murderered Rossi is quietly forgotten. At the other end of the scale, once serfdom had been abolished, peasants could regard their monarchs as providing them with protection aqainst their 'liberal' landlords, while in Central Europe, ethnic minorities could also regard the monarchy as guaranteeing their rights against the insolent tyranny of a 'democratic' majority. It was, perhaps, the ill-advised and precipitate removal of the traditional structures of European politics between 1848-1914 that did so much to first destabilise, and then to promote populst tyrannies in Europe between 1917-1989.

There is so much going on that this is a hard year for historians to cover. The first chapter gets the reader into the action and the conclusion is a fine summation of what happened, but in between, the facts fly fast and furious and the book gets a bit tedious. I think Revolutions of 1848 by Priscilla Smith Robertson is superior since she is more selective about what she covers and more succinct in her coverage.