Exposes the most significant terrorist threats from the world's most dangerous terror group and its affiliates; The first in a series of select co-publications between SPI Press and The Washington Institute's Publications Program (which has published nearly 100 books distributed by Brookings Institute) Using previously unpublished material from interviews in the Middle East, as well as hard-to-find information from the Arabic media, Schanzer presents a critical overview of al-Qaeda's Middle East affiliates, their histories, ideologies, and ties to Bin Laden's terrorist network. Indeed, he shows how critical these small groups are to the survival of al-Qaeda.
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Editorial Reviews
Review
"Jonathan Schanzer provides clear-headed, balanced analysis. . . Anyone interested in this subject will benefit from what he has to say." -- Mark Katz, Professor of Government and Politics, George Mason University
"The definitive guide to fight the next phase in the war against terrorism." -- Ron Gunaratna, author INSIDE AL QAEDA: GLOBAL NETWORK OF TERROR
"This is one of the best accounts written of the al Qaeda network. . ." -- Vince Cannistraro, former CIA chief of Counterterrorism Operations and Analysis
"The definitive guide to fight the next phase in the war against terrorism." -- Ron Gunaratna, author INSIDE AL QAEDA: GLOBAL NETWORK OF TERROR
"This is one of the best accounts written of the al Qaeda network. . ." -- Vince Cannistraro, former CIA chief of Counterterrorism Operations and Analysis
About the Author
Jonathan Schanzer is a Soref fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. Foremerly a research fellow at the Philadelphia-based Middle East Forum, Mr. Schanzer has appeared on CNN, CBS, CNBS, and is a regular commentator on the Fox News Channel and al-Jazeera.
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7 of 12 people found the following review helpful
4.0 out of 5 stars
Surveys the most notorious affiliates of Al-Qaeda in the Middle East
January 17, 2006
Format:Paperback
Al-Qaeda's Armies, in which this reviewer is thanked in the acknowledgments, surveys the most notorious affiliates of Al-Qaeda in the Middle East by which Schanzer means "homegrown, organic Islamist terror groups with nationalist objectives" that have been trained by Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan and elsewhere. Additionally, affiliates "communicate with Al-Qaeda's command structure ... share Al-Qaeda's ascetic and militant approach to the implementation of Islamic law, and their shared goal of world Islamic dominance."
Following September 11, 2001, Al-Qaeda metastasized from a hierarchal and centralized organization into a decentralized movement; Schanzer explains how it adjusted to this new reality by relying to a large degree on the infrastructure of surviving affiliate groups. These affiliates, Schanzer argues, represent the next generation of the global terrorist threat or stated differently, Al-Qaeda 2.0. Schanzer predicts that "affiliates will increasingly constitute Al-Qaeda's outer perimeter and the pools from which new terrorists can be drawn."
He provides exceptional perspective on affiliates in Egypt, Lebanon, Yemen, Algeria, and northern Iraq. Additionally, the book includes information on their evolution, their activities, and offers a convincing strategy for the United States and its allies to deal with this menace. Often overlooked because of their small size and because they operate in areas outside the reach of state authority, the affiliates' activities should sound alarm bells in Western capitals. To defeat Al-Qaeda requires a two-pronged approach: hunting the central leadership and the affiliates.
Undertaking a strategy of combating affiliates would certainly yield much needed victories against Al-Qaeda. With troops in two theatres of war-Afghanistan and Iraq-the United States ought to consider small-scale operations against affiliates, which "may prove a less complicated, less time consuming, and less expensive mode of fighting terrorism," Schanzer argues. By their nature, these operations would require the support of Muslim governments. Convincing these-an unlikely prospect under the best of circumstances-would demonstrate to Al-Qaeda and other jihadis that the West and the Muslim world alike consider them pariahs. Schanzer also posits that this would begin the real battle: the battle between moderate Islam and radicals.
Avi Jorisch
Foundation for the Defense of Democracies
Following September 11, 2001, Al-Qaeda metastasized from a hierarchal and centralized organization into a decentralized movement; Schanzer explains how it adjusted to this new reality by relying to a large degree on the infrastructure of surviving affiliate groups. These affiliates, Schanzer argues, represent the next generation of the global terrorist threat or stated differently, Al-Qaeda 2.0. Schanzer predicts that "affiliates will increasingly constitute Al-Qaeda's outer perimeter and the pools from which new terrorists can be drawn."
He provides exceptional perspective on affiliates in Egypt, Lebanon, Yemen, Algeria, and northern Iraq. Additionally, the book includes information on their evolution, their activities, and offers a convincing strategy for the United States and its allies to deal with this menace. Often overlooked because of their small size and because they operate in areas outside the reach of state authority, the affiliates' activities should sound alarm bells in Western capitals. To defeat Al-Qaeda requires a two-pronged approach: hunting the central leadership and the affiliates.
Undertaking a strategy of combating affiliates would certainly yield much needed victories against Al-Qaeda. With troops in two theatres of war-Afghanistan and Iraq-the United States ought to consider small-scale operations against affiliates, which "may prove a less complicated, less time consuming, and less expensive mode of fighting terrorism," Schanzer argues. By their nature, these operations would require the support of Muslim governments. Convincing these-an unlikely prospect under the best of circumstances-would demonstrate to Al-Qaeda and other jihadis that the West and the Muslim world alike consider them pariahs. Schanzer also posits that this would begin the real battle: the battle between moderate Islam and radicals.
Avi Jorisch
Foundation for the Defense of Democracies
3 of 13 people found the following review helpful
Format:Paperback
Bringing back "cut and run" - bad choice of mantras for Schanzer. Oh brother...watched this guy on C-Span brainwashing some impressionable youngsters at the Student's Conference of the "Young America Foundation". He claims there was a cut and run pattern in Lebanon, Iran, Somalia, etc, and his point is that we shouldn't cut and run in Iraq. He doesn't address whether we shouldn't have been in any of those conflicts to begin with - nobody like him even leaves that as an option - he builds into his argument that conflict is assumed. He dismisses the possibility that the reason for "cutting and running" was that the US government got into conflicts the US people never wanted. If you "buy" this book, please just forget we first quartered troops in their neighborhoods, not the other way around...then they finally attacked us on our soil after tens, hundreds of thousands of THEIR deaths prior. Just another chickenhawk neocon AIPAC crony pulling us into something we never asked for, and don't want.
Citations (learn more)
This book cites 21
books:
See all 21 books this book cites
- Al-Qaeda: The True Story of Radical Islam by Jason Burke on page 90, page 122, and Back Matter
- Middle East Politics Today: Government and Civil Society by Tareq Y. Ismael on page 63, page 89, and Back Matter
- A Portrait of Egypt: A Journey Through the World of Militant Islam by Mary Anne Weaver on page 44, and Back Matter
- A Modern History of the Kurds: Third Edition by David McDowall on page 150, and Back Matter
- The Theory Of Social And Economic Organization by Max Weber on page 30, and Back Matter
See all 21 books this book cites
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