Customer Reviews

America in Black and White: One Nation, Indivisible

5 star:		(13)
4 star:		(3)
3 star:		(5)
2 star:		(1)
1 star:		(5)

 

 

I read this book with the explicit purpose of exposing the flaws that I expected to find for an article I was writing about racial myths. Instead, I found myself convinced by the statistics and arguments, notwithstanding intensive and prolonged scrutiny of the data. It proved two things. First, I'm not as much a closed-minded leftist as my critics like to claim and, second, that the Thernstroms are not as susceptible to error as people like me like to claim. (and it was interesting being labeled as gullible by my ever so fickle fans) This is an extremely important voice in the race-relations conversation. Give the Thernstroms credit for a job well done.

Stephan and Abigail Thernstrom's "America in Black and White: One Nation, Indivisible" charts a different course from many of the scholarly books written about racial relations in the United States today. The authors agree that the civil rights movements of the 1950s and 1960s was a resounding success, opening many doors to African-Americans as a result of the systematic dismantling of Jim Crow laws in the South. This book is necessary, claim the authors, because the ideas that originally drove the civil rights movement have since drifted into dangerous terrain. According to this book, Martin Luther King's message of one nation where all people will be judged by their individual merits and not skin color has become a land where blacks and whites are once again moving into separate camps based on race. The introduction of affirmative action programs and other racial social policies does not solve divisive problems but instead creates new racial barriers. Moreover, media and civil rights proponents today discuss black problems as though that segment of the population has made little progress. The authors insist that there are still nagging difficulties to overcome, but that a "lack of analytic rigor" leads to false perceptions about how far blacks have actually risen in society. Therefore, the authors rely heavily on statistical tables, charts, and polls to prove their arguments.

The first section of "America in Black and White" outlines the history of the odious conditions blacks faced in the American South and the resulting rise of the civil rights movement. The Thernstroms describe southern society in all of its squalor: the crushing poverty faced by both whites and blacks, the lackluster drive towards industrialization that kept many members of the population toiling in fields and small towns, pathetic levels of state spending on education for blacks, and the biases of the criminal justice system. Relying heavily on Gunnar Myrdal's groundbreaking study of race in America, the authors correctly detail the host of social structures aligned against the African-American population. For example, blacks rarely received decent treatment in the legal system because police departments run by whites often failed to protect the black citizenry from criminals. Moreover, the legal system in the South considered crimes committed against blacks secondary to outrages perpetrated against white members of society. Subsequent sections of the book take an in depth look at black progress in various social arenas from the 1970s onward, arenas such as education, politics, law, crime, and many others.

The absence of job opportunities, poor education, lack of protections in the courts, and segregation policies in the South led African-Americans to increasingly move north. The first migration came during World War I. A second, even larger migration occurred in the 1940s and 1950s. Blacks in the North did not have to deal with segregation, but did experience racism in housing and certain sectors of the job market. Better conditions in the northern states led to an increasing drive for an end to Jim Crow in the South. The authors argue that federal legislation destroying segregation in the 1960s also contained the seeds of future divisions. The Thernstroms see a sinister change of direction with the release of Daniel Patrick Moynihan's report on the black family in 1965. Moynihan's remedy for the problems faced by black citizens, echoed by Lyndon Johnson in a speech at Howard University the same year, moved beyond providing for equal opportunity to call for "equal results" as well. This argument indirectly endorsed the idea of affirmative action and social entitlement programs based specifically on race. For the authors, the problems inherent in this approach are clear: to formulate policy giving special treatment to one race is just as racist as passing laws subjugating specific races.

Perhaps the most interesting section of "America in Black and White," and probably the most controversial, concerns the authors' claims that African-American social advancement was greatest immediately before the rise of the civil rights movement. During the 1940s and 1950s, the authors write, blacks surged forward in nearly all areas of American society. This growth was far from perfect, but in the arenas of education, economics, politics, and sports blacks saw remarkable gains. Almost half of the African-Americans who lived in poverty moved out of that classification during this period. Education levels for blacks, while lagging behind whites, still grew significantly compared to earlier eras in American history. This period also saw the integration of professional baseball and basketball, opening up an entirely new aspect of society to black advancement. African-Americans showed signs of vigor at the polls, as a court case outlawing white southern primaries and greater movement to the North allowed more blacks to vote than ever before. Obviously, there were still many problems to overcome: black wages still lagged behind white levels, education was still a problem, and the South still practiced vigorous discrimination against its black population. But African-Americans did make progress, and this chapter effectively illustrates that modern day claims about the complete lack of black improvement before the civil rights movements of the 1960s are patently false.

The greatest problem with this analysis of black gains during the 1940s and 1950s is that it undercuts the need and influence of activism as a force for change. If African-Americans were achieving so much, why did the civil rights movement appear on the scene? It may well be a case of a segment of the population finding some success and quickly wanting more, thereby accelerating the growth and scope of that change. But the Thernstroms spend more time discussing the overarching factors-political, economic, and social-that contributed to two decades of growth instead of focusing on what everyday people were doing on a local level to bring about advancement. Following this argument to its logical conclusion makes a reader suspect that twenty years of gradual progress would have toppled Jim Crow laws without the assistance of any sort of social activism.

Stephan and Abigail Thernstrom's book is the most comprehensive survey of American race relations that I have ever read. The authors present important new information about the positive changes and improvements in the lives of African-Americans as a whole. They go on to argue, with tons of statistics to back them up, that the perception of serious racial divisions in our country are outdated, exaggerated, and dangerous. The reason for this, they show, is political: "it nurtures the mix of black anger and white shame and guilt that sustains the race-based social policies implemented since the late 1960s." Proponents of this status quo are afraid that calling attention, for example, to the rapidly-growing black middle class, "... would invite public complacency and undercut support for the affirmative action regime."

I was especially enthralled by the authors' analysis of the "War on Poverty" programs of the 1960's, particularly the expansion of welfare, and their horrifically negative effects on generations of black families since. Not only did the "War on Poverty" make things worse for the poor, but the expansion of welfare to include unwed women and children fostered a lifestyle of dependency and irresponsible behavior, and precipitated the downward trend in two-parent black families, that has left three generations of black Americans in dire straits ever since.

Liberals, especially black liberals, are terrified of books like this, and rightfully so. This book undercuts the blacks-as-perennial-victims/American-society-as-forever-racist rhetoric that keeps the Jesse Jacksons and Al Sharptons, with support from the liberal media, in business. Along with the works of John McWhorter, Shelby Steele and Thomas Sowell, this books serves as a much-needed wake-up call on the issue of race; a cold dose of reality that no doubt makes most liberals cringe.

It's clear the Thernstroms set out to create a definitive work. Despite the claim that Americans struggle with discussions about race, they argue that race is the focus of our media, entertainment, political discussions, economic policy, education policy, etc. What they believe is missing is the `lack of analytical rigor' applied towards these issues. They believe the discussion has gotten muddled with dogma, clever rhetoric, and unproven assumptions, which has led to tremendous confusion and frustration. Exceptionally well researched and plenty of `analytical rigor', passion and sensitivity, the Thernstroms have produced a work that has cleared the fog on a wide-range of issues including housing, civil rights legislation, education, job discrimination, voting, crime, the black middle class, etc. This work is also highly qualified to stand the test of time.

Some may be put off by the authors right of center analysis. They question the merits of affirmative action, proportional representation, and the degree to which racism continues to hinder blacks. This work is less incendiary than Dinesh D'Souza's `The End of Racism' (which is still very good), however, this work is replete with statistics and hard data that are difficult to dismiss.

America has gone through extraordinary steps to move beyond the sins of its past. There is little doubt that through this work the Thernstroms have a sincere interest in helping America move towards becoming a genuinely color-blind nation.

This book is the gold standard against which all other works on affirmative action must be judged. Nowhere else will you you find anywhere near as much hard data on preferential programs, test scores, and the like. Nowhere else will you find a better discussion of the history of dishonesty and downright lawlessness of executive branch bureaucracies such as the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, of the Clinton Administration's criminal end-around on Supreme Court decisions that went against it, and of the perverse behavior of the Supreme Court itself, whose history of flouting the Constitution and the Civil Rights laws alike, gave the Clinton Administration its playbook for cheating. The Thernstroms also show how little interest most "civil rights" organizations ever had in equality before the law. No wonder the Thernstroms are so hated by the cynical, ruthless multicultural/civil rights elites. This book is a classic case of talking truth to power.

The Thernstroms' have done everyone a great favor by thoroughly examining the issue of race in as fair a treatment as any I've ever read.

In todays political world race has become the Democratic partys' favorite topic for demogoguery. Rather than push for a legitimate understanding of issues like slavery and its demise, political leaders on the Left have continued to issue disinformation with the aid of a major media that supports their underlying ideology. In a quiet but understated way the authors have critically examined virtually every assertion and question about race in America and rendered an exceptionally accurate portrayal.

The upshot of their research is that the Black community is better off today than they've ever been in American history. Not only does that situation continue to improve each year, but it leaves in the dust the plight of Blacks in Africa, South America, Central America, and the Carribean, ne everywhere else in the world. Only the intellectually blinkered can ignore this set of inescapable facts. In fact, what so astounds political moderates is the deep and unyielding capacity for self deception shown by the race mongers who should know better. I'm thinking of Mary Francis Berry and John Hope Franklin. For them it's always 1954. As such, they seem mired in an echo chamber with other rabble rousing leaders who in reality have continually sold lower and middle income blacks the proverbial hole-in-the-donut.

This book is a must read for anyone interested in the topic of race and the history of the civil rights movement. It's all here.

In contrast to the title of the book - AMERICA IN BLACK AND WHITE, it is rare that the subject of race relations can be discussed in such black and white terms. There is definitely a gray area on most issues.

The Thernstroms however, argue otherwise. On one hand are their views and on the other is the opinion of the "chattering classes." Whites who are in favor of affirmative action, in their view, support "policies built on deference to black victimization through which they can display their racial virtue." The book however is not vitriol, and it does have a central argument. Two of the main points developed on are:

(1) Black progress has been substantial; progress began post WWII, long before the civil rights movement. The civil rights movement therefore, has been given too much credit for the progress blacks have made in this century.

(2) Affirmative action is a mistake and it is "manifestly absurb" that these programs have improved conditions for blacks.

The Thernstroms use a wealth of polling data to support their points, and seemingly present a solid case for progress. For instance:

> "In 1958, 44% of whites said they would move if a black family became their next door neighbor; today, the figure is 1%"

> By 1997, "a Gallup Poll found 83% of whites aged 18 to 34 approved of interracial marriage. (The figure for blacks in the same bracket was 86%)."

Yet, there are other data sets that show conflicting views. How do we reconcile data from AMERICAN APARTHEID by Douglas Massey and Nancy Denton with that of this book? Massey and Denton show that there is a high degree of residential segregation still existing with whites having "little tolerance" for residential racial mixture beyond 20% black. Other studies, using data in Stanley Lieberson's and Mary Waters' FROM MANY STRANDS go beyond calculating residential segregation to indicating marital isolation. Orlando Patterson has calculated that the odds that an African-American woman will marry an African-American man are 27,444 times greater than that a non African-American woman will marry an African-American man. Lastly, a statewide special election was held in Alabama last November. The purpose being overturning the state's anti-miscegnation law which was still on the books. Over 40% of Alabamans voted to keep the ban in place; obviously there are still a lot of people that think blacks and whites should not mix blood.

AMERICA IN BLACK AND WHITE fully endorses the civil rights acts - the quarrel is with affirmative action. However, while stating that "too much remains" of white racism, they contradict themselves when saying that "haters have become a tiny remnant with no influence in any important sphere of American life." Perhaps this ambiguity, and the Thernstroms inability to speak with certainty, only serves to underline the reality that in race relations in general, and policy prescriptions in particular, there remains a vast gray area. Other contributions are needed.

After reviewing what other readers have said about this book, I feel compelled to provide another view. I recently read this book for a sociology class on race and ethnic relations. It is important to understand that the Thernstroms are writing from an Assimilationist/Integrationist viewpoint. They contend that, though we continue to face problems associated with racism and discrimination, we are continually moving toward a more equitable society. The Thernstroms support their claims by providing a lengthy account of American history and using a plethora of statistics to assert their claims. Now, as any good sociologist will tell you, interpreting history can be very problematic; furthermore, statistics can often be deceptive. As I cannot critically analyze the problems of this book in an in-depth manner, I caution you to just be aware of these two things as you read the book. For example, consider some of their tables. They often include the measurement of "median" in their statistics. Median is very often deceptive. Why not include the mean, as well? And why do they not discuss some possible flaws with the statistics they use? Also, a few of their tables are confusing (e.g. table on p. 542). One other problem I found with this book was a lack of comprehensive definitions. In one part of the book, they discuss problems with defining "racism." I agree that defining racism is difficult. However, though it may have escaped me, I did not find any clear definitions given by the Thernstroms. Also, I think they should have dedicated a portion of their book to a specific discussion of what type of society we are assimilating into. What norms? What values? What culture? Good social science would describe such key elements. In short, this book lacks clarity, but at the same time, I would recommend it to you if you are interested in the hot topic of race relations in America.

This was a class text about race in America. It is a careful balance between recognizing past discrimination (which some conservatives ignore) and demonstrating the problems of some common themes of black victimization (which some liberals ignore). Most of all, this book was very imformative. I think it is FAR more imformative than "The End of Racism" by Dinesh D'Souza (another book I read). This book gives reasons why blacks and whites may feel the way they do. It also documents how far we have come in our race relations in this country. Please read this book if you wish to obtain insight in race relations in the United States.

This is a beautiful book. I have been alive through most of the events documented in the book. In the times that have gone by I have wondered if the programs the government has sponsored for minorities have made any difference. I hear the continuing rhetoric of the civil rights movement indicating that times are little if any better than in the times of Jim Crow or even slavery. It is wonderful that blacks have made significant gains in the years covered in this book and also wonderful that this book is able to so clearly relate those gains.

This book is superb as a one volume summary of economic, political, and educational progress made by blacks. The data, often presented in tables, is very informative, and makes it valuable as a source book of basic facts and ideas concerning the relations between the two races. The conclusions drawn from the data seemed both reasonable and moderate. I did not see the book as one of the previous reviews stated to be a conservative tract. This reviewer pointed out that the authors did not use 1996 data in talking about black representation which is true in the sense that no tabular data was presented but the authors did point out that all black candidates that had been redistricted by the courts decesions won if they ran. That would certainly support the authors contentions about black representation.

The reasons that I rated the book as a 9 instead of a 10 is that the chapter on the voting rights acts missed the right level of detail for me. It was either too much for an overview or not sufficiently detailed if it was intended to be exhaustive. That chapter did not really jell for me. The second reason is that I was mildly disappointed that the authors did not enter onto the grounds of discussing potential solutions for the remaining disparities in education and crime. I can certainly see why they didn't as those are very difficult problems without obvious solutions.