Customer Reviews

The Arab Predicament: Arab Political Thought and Practice since 1967 (Canto original series)

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Fouad Ajami's objective for the book is simply stated in the title. His aim is to thoroughly analyze The Arab Predicament, with a specific focus on the problems of the Arab states since 1967. However, what does Ajami mean when he says, the Arab predicament? I believe his best definition of this is found on page 250. He states that the Arab predicament is the failure of an Arab order because of the lack of a cohesive political, social, and economic system that "makes people and societies behave justly or rationally". He asserts that this has led Arabs to turn back to the force they have the most trust in, their religious identity. Over the course of the book, Ajami analyzes in detail the reasons for this change, focusing on three overall themes that are roughly separated into the three parts of the book. The first theme is the complete failure of the `progressive' states and later with pan-Arabism. This in chronicled in the first part of the book titled One's world as it really is. The second theme of the book is the detachment of Egypt from the rest of the Arab world and Egypt as a predictor for things to come in the Arab world. This is found in the second part of the book labeled Egypt as state, as Arab mirror. The third part of the book seeks to clarify a theme that is an undercurrent of the two previous chapters: the Arab world's relationship with the West. This final chapter, called Fractured tradition: the claims of authenticity, the realities of dependence, explains the conflict between modernization and tradition, and how the Arab world is coping (or more precisely, failing to cope) with the impact of the modern world on the Arab states and its political, cultural, and economic systems.
I do believe Ajami has achieved his objectives that he sets out in his introduction to The Arab Predicament. He explains the fall of Nasserism and Ba'thism, he explores the path Egypt has taken since the Six Day War and why they have taken it, and he explores the conflict between Islamic fundamentalism and modernization, and the problems that the ruling elites and the Arab governments have contributed to this conflict by not giving their people an outlet for political expression. I think the author has deliberately tried to give an unbiased study of the problems of the Arab world, as he uses the thoughts and ideas of varied thinkers and writers, from anti-Western Muhammad Jalal Kishk to the romantic thinking Ba'thist founder Michel Aflaq.

Overall, I think there are very few bad points to The Arab Predicament. I think the study of the topic has created some profound points throughout the book, especially Ajami's explanation for the resurgence of Islamic fundamentalism found in the last chapter and its relationship with the inaccessibility of political channels to the people of the Arab world. However, I do think there are a few minor negative points towards the book. First, although I enjoy Ajami's writing style, I am sometimes confused as to whether he is stating an opinion or simply explaining the mindset of another author or writer that he has cited in his text.
In regards to the material covered in the book, the Palestinian issue is mentioned only in passing, as if it is only another outside agent in the Arab world. In some sense this is true, since Ajami already points out the strength of the state in the Middle East (which Palestine does not have). Along with this, it would be helpful if Israel's situation had been more strongly explained and contrasted with the rest of the Arab states, as their presence is a major factor in the Middle East. Also, although the book seems to be written for the specialist reader, it would be helpful to give a little more explanation of most important events, such as the Six Day of 1967 or the October War of 1973. Even if the explanation is not put within one of the chapters, it would be helpful if his Note to the nonspecialist reader gave greater detail to some of the seminal events of the Middle East in the last half century (or at least from 1967).
The Arab Predicament provides great insight into some of the modern problems of the Arab world. Fouad Ajami goes into great depth exploring various issues, and his insight and ability to see the problems of many different viewpoints help him to create a great inquiry of the problems of the Middle East, almost all of which are applicable to today, nearly 10 years after he last revised his book.

How have Arab political ideas and institutions evolved since the 1967 war? how have the Arabs contended with the external influences to which their wealth have exposed them? what does the rise of Islamic fundamentalism mean and what will it lead to? Ajami, director of Middle East Studies department at Johns Hopkins University, School of Advanced International Studies, seeks to answer these and related questions in his illuminated study of the constraints and possibilities facing the Arab world today. he documents the political and intellectual response to the 1967 defeat; surveys the choices facing the arab world exemplified by the case of Egypt; and seeks to explain Islamic fundamentalism, ultimately locating its roots in the failures of the dominant political atmosphere and ideology and the integration of secularism. emphasis is been given to specific events such as the assassination of Anwar Sadat, the Iranian revolution, the iran-iraq war and the persian gulf war.

Lebanese American Fouad Ajami is clearly an authority on Arab issues. His book is one of rare stock in the West as it summarizes social and political literature that is widely circulated in the Arab world but is not accessible to Western readers.

Ajami's peculiar writing style that flows in an entertaining manner adds flavor to the book. This is coupled with a kind of analysis that is in line with Western methodology but that sticks, at the same time, to viewing things from native Eastern eyes.

The only take against Ajami's work is his overgeneralization of the Egyptian Arab model arguing that it is enough for someone to understand Egypt, the mirror of the Arab world, in order to understand the rest of the Arab countries.

While this point is debatable, it does not confirm with the book's main argument that pan-Arabism that reached its climax under late Egyptian President Nasser, was merely a fantasy and an artificial front behind which Arab military dictatorships hid and under whose banner they repressed their peoples. If Arab nationalism was a mere fantasy, why did Ajami take Egypt as the mirror of 21 other nations?

Furthermore, Ajami's fascination with Egypt, despite its friendly dictatorship under Husini Mubarak sounds more of an apologetic rhetoric. If Egypt was as promising as Ajami believes, how come it never modernized 10 years after the printing of this book and is still considered one of the tyrannical regimes that breed popular frustration and ultimately terror groups.

In any case, other arguments pertaining to the reasons behind failure are accurate. These include Ajami's criticism of progressive secular thought of the so-called Arab revolutionaries that was never able to take off and thus conceded to and depended on the power of regressive traditional powers.

Though written in 1980 and before, the book provides much insight into that region of the world. Historically, nothing changes, therefore the book is relevant. Mostly about Egypt, Ajami gives especially the American reader some background on how Egypt was viewed by the Europeans. His description returned me to the many newspaper and journal articles about Egypt, Egypt's leaders, friends and foes during the times of Nasser and Sadat.

I found the chapter on Islam especially enlightening, and it appropriately entitled "The rulers' Islam, Islam of the ruled." Many interesting quotes from various sources make this chapter maybe the most important one and surely very relevant for the present.

I was both intellectually enlightened, and emotionally stirred by this excellent book. Fouad Ajami gives an insider's perspective on what it means and feels like to be an Arab since the groundshaking events of 1967 when Pan-Arab hopes were unexpectedly shattered by the outcome of the Arab Israeli war. The author understands and well articulates the driving passions/influences, internal and external, which shaped and continue to move Arab life and politics. Until reading this, I had no idea what a seminal, and world view shattering event the defeat at the hands of Israel was to the Arab world at large.

Ajami is so articulate, so beautifully spoken, that I would seriously read him, even if he had nothing to say that interested me. I've read elsewhere of the intense and passionate beauty of Arabic as a language. This author, I think, somehow succeeds in communicating that passionate poignance through English prose.

If you're looking for a detached, theoretical overview of Arab society and politics: this is not it. If, however, you'd like to step inside one man's world and get a glimpse of reality as seen through his eyes and life experience... have at it...and enjoy.

Ajami (author) does not understand our constitution or the free market but give very good insight on the Middle East. A very good read for those interested in more than the headlines.

I recommend this book and The Foreigner's Gift for perspective on current events in the Middle East.

While Ajami's analysis is engaging and literate, the author's bias shows throughout the book. Ajami refuses to call the terrorist group Hizbullah by its name, instead referring to it in translation as the "Party of God," and thereby hoping to deflect the reader's attention away from the true nature of this organization. He also translates jihad as "struggle," again in a revisionist attempt to bury the violence that certain sects of Islam have engendered in the name of holy war. He refuses to call the Yom Kippur War by its accepted name. Worst of all, in all of his references to the terrorsit mastermind Dr. George Habash, Ajami never once informs a reader that he is writing about a man who bombed school buses filled with children. This kind of selective ignorance has plagued many Arab accounts of the Middle East for years. Unfortunately, Ajami's work is no exception.