Averting Global War examines major regional disputes and conflicts throughout the world as they impact upon both American domestic and foreign policy. These include: The ongoing "war on terrorism"; NATO enlargement to Russian borders; US intervention in Iraq; US confrontation with Iran; the feud between Israel and the Palestinians; the widening "zone of conflict" from Central Asia to sub-Saharan Africa; the global ramifications of North Korea's nuclear program and China's claims to Taiwan; Venezuela's "Bolivarian Revolution" and the "war on drugs" in Latin America, the domestic socio-political effects of Latin American immigration upon the US. The book's goal is to articulate an irenic American strategy intended to resolve, or at least transform, a number of these disputes and conflicts so as to prevent them from further "deepening" or "widening"--and to avert the real possibility of major power confrontation involving both clandestine and overt methods of warfare.
What do my books have in common?
My latest edited book, The Ashgate Companion to War: Origins and Prevention (Ashgate 2012), with Oleg Kobtzeff, features 29 essays of differing authors who seek to explicate theories as to the origins of war under the general concept of "polemology"; who analyze the roots of significant conflicts from the Peloponnesian wars to World War II; who examine the ramifications of Cold War and post-Cold War conflict; who look at long cycles of systemic conflict, and who speculate, in part, whether another global war is theoretically possible, and if so, whether such a war (which may be very different than more recent "world wars") can be averted. My own contribution in the General Introduction critiques democratic peace theory, claims to "nuclear peace" and hegemonic stability theory (linked to neo-conservatism) as ostensible means to preserve global peace. My chapter "Alienation and the Origins and Prevention of War" seeks to re-define and expand the concept of alienation as examined by Karl Marx, among others, by systematically developing the multidimensional concepts of alienation involving inter-state alienation as well as the alienation of man and nature under contemporary state-capitalist forms of development. My chapter "The Failure to Prevent World War I" seeks to provide an alternative perspective to that of historian Paul Kennedy. My final chapter, "Reflections on Polemology" seeks to explicate apparent long cycles of systemic conflict in terms of wars of initial challenge and wars of revenge, and argues for an alternative global strategy designed to bring Russia into a larger Euro-Atlantic confederation, but without alienating China or other significant powers, while simultaneoudly seeking to implement a world-wide confederation of interlinked and internationalized "regional security and development communities."
My previous book, Averting Global War: Regional Challenges, Overextension, and Options for American Strategy (2007; 2010)- now published in paperback- argues that warfare among major powers and/or else wider regional wars represent real possibilities if a concerted US-NATO-European-Russian and Japanese relationship (in working with China where possible) cannot soon be established. Such a war would not at all be like that of either World War I or World War II, but could be sparked by significant acts of terrorism. The book moves around the globe in analyzing key hot spots: NATO-Russia-Eastern Europe/ the Caucasus, Iraq, Iran, Middle East, Central Asia, Africa, North-South Korea, China-Taiwan, Colombia-Venezuela and the Tex-Mex border, among other areas. While recognizing regional specificity, the book seeks ways to resolve disputes/conflicts through the establishment of internationalized and interlocking "regional security communities." Averting Global War (2007) clearly predicted the possibility of war between Georgia and Russia, among other scenarios that could generate even wider and more dangerous conflicts.
My book, American Global Strategy and the 'War on Terrorism' (2005; 2007 paperback), examines the ramifications of the 'global war on terrorism' after the September 11 attacks and American military expansionism. It traces the rise of American neo-conservatism (from Alexander Hamilton) and critiques the reasons for the essentially unilateral intervention in Iraq. The book likewise examines questions concerning the dialectics of state-supported and anti-state terrorism, the risks of nuclear proliferation (and nuclear terrorism), the dangers of Pakistani political-economic instability, and the apparently rising clash of values, goals and interests between the US and Europe that must soon be overcome if the Americans and Europeans are to show themslves capable of ultimately transcending the global disequilibrium. The book outlines a more systemic approach to American strategy and the Global War on Terrorism.
My book, Dangerous Crossroads: Europe, Russia, and the Future of NATO (1997), focused on the post-Cold War period. I argued that NATO enlargement would not only risk a Russian backlash, but could eventually overextend American capabilities as well. Dangerous Crossroads outlined differing approaches to NATO enlargement, but argued for establishing a more concerted relationship with Russia that would in turn guarantee the security concerns of eastern European states (including a "neutral" Ukraine which was key to long-term European stability) by means of strengthening the Partnership for Peace initiative and by implementing overlapping US/NATO, European Union and Russian security guarantees.
My book, Surviving the Millennium: American Global Strategy, and the Question of Peace (1994), was written in response to the collapse of the Soviet Union and argued against the triumphalist wave of "end of history" theosophy. After analyzing the dual nature of US-Soviet rivalry and collaboration, in emphasizing the joint US-Soviet role in "double containing" the potential power capabilities of a number of states throughout the Cold War, I argued that the collapse of Soviet global influence would open the door to the rise of new states and socio-political movements that would soon challenge American predominance. In response, and rather than seeking to implement a policy of neo-containment of Russia that could cause a Russian backlash (if not a dangerous break-up of the Russian Federation), the US needed to find ways to establish a US-European-Russian-Japanese concert that would seek to channel China's rise as a major military and political economic actor, while at the same time seeking to stem the rise of a number of states and socio-political movements that could seek to further destabilize the global system through the development of Weapons of Mass Destruction, for example.
My first book of poems, The Wake-Up Blast (2008), captures over three decades of poetic protest and dissent, recounted through the lens of personal encounters throughout the world. I have a number of poetry books, short stories and two novels in the stage of near completion.
My edited books are based upon conferences that I either participated in or organized.
My edited book, NATO and the European Union: New World, New Europe, New threats, was based on a conference of the same title that I set up, quite by accident, on December 7-8, 2001, Pearl Harbor Day, at the French Senate, just after the September 11 attacks. On Saturday December 8, then NATO Ambassador Nicolas Burns announced agreement to form the NATO-Russia Council, which was formalized by NATO in May. My contributions in the book deal with the shift from nuclear 'balance to imbalance of terror' (dealing with the global spread of nuclear capabilities and the development of Ballistic Missile Defense systems); the need to establish new Euro-Atlantic, Euro-Mediterranean Security Communities; plus the global ramifications of the Iraq war. There are some excellent chapters by top scholars in this book dealing with the future of NATO, with US-EU relations, and with the 'war on terrorism'.
The New Transatlantic Agenda: Facing the Challenges of Global Governance (Ashgate, 2001) was organized by the Istituto Affari Internazionali. It has excellent contributions from top scholars and foreign policy analysts. My chapter on Russia and China: The Risks of Uncoordinated Transatlantic Strategies discussed the fallout from the war "over" Kosovo, and issues such as Schengen, Kaliningrad, Turkey, pan-Islam and China. It warned that NATO "may be drawn unwillingly into burgeoning conflict" in Afghanistan (page 140-141). It was published just before the September 11, 2001 attacks, yet much of the analysis is still relevant.
My first edited book, Central and Southeastern Europe in Transition: Perspectives on Success and Failure Since 1989 (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 1999), was based on a lecture series of top experts on eastern Europe hosted by the International Affairs Department of American University of Paris in 1998. It has a number of excellent chapters that reflect upon the post-1989 transition period from Communism. My contribution critiqued "The Genesis of NATO Enlargement and of War 'over' Kosovo."
See my e-portfolio for my CV, video commentaries, other publications, activities and information: http://www.epsilen.com/hgardner
