Many Americans believe Barack Obama represents a hopeful future for America. But does he also reflect the American politics of the past? This book offers the broadest and best-informed understanding on the meaning of the Obama phenomenon to date. Paul Street was on the ground throughout the Iowa campaign, and his stories of the rising Obama phenomenon are poignant. Yet the author s background in American political history allows him to explore the deeper meanings of Obama's remarkable political career. He looks at Obama in relation to contemporary issues of class, race, war, and empire. He considers Obama in the context of our nation s political history, with comparisons to FDR, JFK, Bill Clinton, and other leaders. Street finds that the Obama persona, crafted by campaign consultants and filtered through dominant media trends, masks the change candidate's adherence to long-prevailing power structures and party doctrines. He shows how American political culture has produced misperceptions by the electorate of Obama s positions and values. Obama is no magical exception to the narrow-spectrum electoral system and ideological culture that have done so much to define and limit the American political tradition. Yet the author suggests key ways in which Obama potentially advances democratic transformation. Street makes recommendations on how citizens can productively respond to and act upon Obama's influence and the broader historical and social forces that have produced his celebrity and relevance. He also lays out a real agenda for change for the new presidential administration, one that addresses the recent failures of democratic politics. This study differs from previous books on Obama in at least three ways: (1) Street's determination to offer a balanced but critical assessment of the Obama phenomenon from a perspective shaped by years of engagement with Left theory and activism; (2) Street's effort to understand the phenomenon in a deeply researched historical, societal, and institutional context, consistently relating Obama's career and candidacy to the ongoing historical development and dilemmas of U.S. political culture; (3) Street's ability to deepen his account by drawing on his considerable direct experience with the phenomenon over years as a civil rights researcher and advocate on the south side of Chicago (2000 2005) and as a campaign activist in Iowa during the long and critical Iowa primary (caucus) season of 2007 2008.
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About the Author
Currently an independent policy researcher, historian, and journalist based in Iowa City, Paul Street was the Director of Research and Vice President for Research and Planning at the Chicago Urban League from 2000 to 2005. He is the author of three previous books: Racial Oppression in the Global Metropolis: A Living Black Chicago History (New York: Rowman & Littlefield 2007); Segregated Schools: Educational Apartheid in the PostCivil Rights Era (New York: Routledge 2005); and Empire and Inequality: America and the World since 9/11 (Boulder: Paradigm 2004). Street has published a large number of articles, essays, reviews, and editorials in numerous outlets, including the Chicago Tribune; Journal of American Ethnic History; Journal of Social History; Mid-America; Chicago History; Review of Education; Pedagogy, and Cultural Studies; Studies in History and Politics; History of Education Quarterly; In These Time; Dissent; Capital City Times; Z Magazine; Black Commentator; Black Agenda Report; ZNet; AlterNet; Toms Dispatch; History News Network; and Monthly Review. Street has a doctorate in U.S. History from Binghamton University.
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28 of 29 people found the following review helpful
By Chris
Format:Hardcover|Amazon Verified Purchase
Street shows that Obama acted as a state legislator and has acted as a Senator in very predictable ways given the tens of millions of dollars he has received in campaign contributions from top officials in the corporate world, especially the financial industry. He pushes corporate friendly measures while alternately playing the populist on the campaign trail. As a state senator Obama held up a bill in committee that promised to deliver universal health care in Illinois and watered it down so that it merely called for the creation of a commission that would study how health care access might be expanded in the state. His effort was greatly appreciated by health care industry lobbyists. During the Democratic Primary, reflecting his strong backing by the financial industry, he refused to endorse caps on interest rates on mortgage loans. His only solution to the mortgage mess was to offer tax credits to home owners. As a US senator he supported Bush's tort reform bill that further protects corporate abusers. On the presidential campaign trail he claimed to have passed a Senate bill that would have required nuclear operators to immediately report even the slightest leak from their facilities. This was after a radioactive leak into a drinking water supply from an Illinois plant of Exelon, the largest nuclear power plant owner in the country and a leading supplier of Obama campaign contributions. Actually, Obama lied; the bill that he pushed ended up offering only guidance to local regulators as to how to deal with small leaks at nuclear plants that did not reach the threshold of being required to be reported (as the leak in Illinois did not). Meanwhile Obama argued for free trade pacts like NAFTA on his Senate campaign trail in 04', then later criticized them while running for president. He expressed a great deal of anguish about job transfers to Mexico from a Maytag plant in Galesburg Illinois. However Obama apparently did nothing to argue on the workers' behalf with Maytag director Henry Crown of Crown Investments, one of Obama's leading campaign contributors. It was reported earlier this year that Obama economic advisor (and chief economist of the Democratic Leadership Council) Austan Goolsbee had assured the Canadian Ambassador in Washington that Obama's jabs against NAFTA were merely campaign rhetoric and shouldn't' be taken seriously. In similar fashion, Obama bashes Wallmart, but his chief economic advisor, Jason Furman, is a Wallmart apologist.
And his Iraq War opposition? Street shows that Obama opposes the war not because it is a major crime against humanity but because it has been executed ineptly. He refuses to commit to an unconditional withdrawal of US troops. Street quotes Jeremy Scahill, among others, to the effect that the noises Obama has made about the withdrawal of all U.S. "combat" troops from Iraq are misleading. In reality only half of all US troops in Iraq are classified as "combat." Moreover Obama voted against a bill designed to ban the use of private security firms like Blackwater. This raises the possibility that Obama might expand the use of these private mercenaries in Iraq as he draws combat troops down. Street shows how Obama has foreign policy views that are well within the parameters of traditional American imperialism. Since becoming a US Senator he has unconditionally supported all of Israel's aggression and state terrorism. After Jeremiah Wright first took national stage, one of Obama's statements was to the effect that he abhorred any utterance (such as those of Wright's) that denigrated the great and holy United States.. Street notes the irony of this denunciation by Obama. After all, in 1967, Martin Luther King, Obama's supposed idol, called the United States the greatest force for violence in the world. King charged the US with being the ally of rich landowners and corporations against poor peasants throughout the world.
Street notes that Obama ignores the role of institutional racism in American life. Obama has nothing on his agenda for black neighborhoods besides mild Bill Cosby like lectures. He gives no indication that he will not repeat Bill Clinton's performance and reinforce the harshest and most racist aspects of our criminal justice system. Many black folk are excited that a black man is possibly going to be elected president of a society that has denigrated them for so long, but Obama gives no evidence that he will bring living wage jobs, or decent health care and education to black neighborhoods. Street expresses fear about the evidence that white people, including Obama supporters, believe that because so many white people are willing to vote a black guy into the White House, then this proves that racism is no longer a significant factor in American life.
I've enjoyed reading Dr. Street's commentaries on Z Communications on Obama and other issues from a genuinely radical perspective. Some leftist folks like Bill Fletcher Jr. and Barbara Ehrenreich have become horribly entranced by Obama while talk radio demagogues, Jerome Corsi, and other paranoid frauds portray Obama as an extreme socialist. It is only from Dr. Street, the Black Agenda Report and a few others that really penetrating, intelligent critiques have been produced. Dr. Street attacks Obama but admits that he has the potential to do some progressive things. But he notes that the Obama "movement" has to hold the Senator's feet to the fire if he gets elected. If they can't move beyond being entranced by his personal charisma, the Senator will feel free to adopt everything big business demands of him.
On a negative side, the prose in this book is often a bit stiff and the discussion at times lacks concision. I would have appreciated more and clearer detail in some places, for instances in discussion of Obama's quite bad non-single payer health care plan.
I was pleased that Street outlines a progressive agenda that a genuinely populist candidate could use to facilitate serious citizen involvement in our bourgeois democracy.
And his Iraq War opposition? Street shows that Obama opposes the war not because it is a major crime against humanity but because it has been executed ineptly. He refuses to commit to an unconditional withdrawal of US troops. Street quotes Jeremy Scahill, among others, to the effect that the noises Obama has made about the withdrawal of all U.S. "combat" troops from Iraq are misleading. In reality only half of all US troops in Iraq are classified as "combat." Moreover Obama voted against a bill designed to ban the use of private security firms like Blackwater. This raises the possibility that Obama might expand the use of these private mercenaries in Iraq as he draws combat troops down. Street shows how Obama has foreign policy views that are well within the parameters of traditional American imperialism. Since becoming a US Senator he has unconditionally supported all of Israel's aggression and state terrorism. After Jeremiah Wright first took national stage, one of Obama's statements was to the effect that he abhorred any utterance (such as those of Wright's) that denigrated the great and holy United States.. Street notes the irony of this denunciation by Obama. After all, in 1967, Martin Luther King, Obama's supposed idol, called the United States the greatest force for violence in the world. King charged the US with being the ally of rich landowners and corporations against poor peasants throughout the world.
Street notes that Obama ignores the role of institutional racism in American life. Obama has nothing on his agenda for black neighborhoods besides mild Bill Cosby like lectures. He gives no indication that he will not repeat Bill Clinton's performance and reinforce the harshest and most racist aspects of our criminal justice system. Many black folk are excited that a black man is possibly going to be elected president of a society that has denigrated them for so long, but Obama gives no evidence that he will bring living wage jobs, or decent health care and education to black neighborhoods. Street expresses fear about the evidence that white people, including Obama supporters, believe that because so many white people are willing to vote a black guy into the White House, then this proves that racism is no longer a significant factor in American life.
I've enjoyed reading Dr. Street's commentaries on Z Communications on Obama and other issues from a genuinely radical perspective. Some leftist folks like Bill Fletcher Jr. and Barbara Ehrenreich have become horribly entranced by Obama while talk radio demagogues, Jerome Corsi, and other paranoid frauds portray Obama as an extreme socialist. It is only from Dr. Street, the Black Agenda Report and a few others that really penetrating, intelligent critiques have been produced. Dr. Street attacks Obama but admits that he has the potential to do some progressive things. But he notes that the Obama "movement" has to hold the Senator's feet to the fire if he gets elected. If they can't move beyond being entranced by his personal charisma, the Senator will feel free to adopt everything big business demands of him.
On a negative side, the prose in this book is often a bit stiff and the discussion at times lacks concision. I would have appreciated more and clearer detail in some places, for instances in discussion of Obama's quite bad non-single payer health care plan.
I was pleased that Street outlines a progressive agenda that a genuinely populist candidate could use to facilitate serious citizen involvement in our bourgeois democracy.
20 of 24 people found the following review helpful
Format:Hardcover
Paul Street is amazing at putting a left-wing critique on Obama that situates him firmly within the policy and practice of the ruling class at large. He also skillfully denounces the big-business-dominated electoral system that stifles real debate.
However, in the last analysis he fails to draw the conclusion all his data points toward: that radical and progressive voters should break decisively with the two-party system and support the strongest possible left challenge. Rather than advocate a vote for Ralph Nader or Cynthia McKinney, he revives the lesser-evilist analysis that the Republicans are just too horrible not to vote for the democrat.
This is surprising, given the overall message of the book that change will not fundamentally come through electoral politics. Still, I highly recommend reading this for anyone capable of taking this excellent data and drawing their own conclusions.
However, in the last analysis he fails to draw the conclusion all his data points toward: that radical and progressive voters should break decisively with the two-party system and support the strongest possible left challenge. Rather than advocate a vote for Ralph Nader or Cynthia McKinney, he revives the lesser-evilist analysis that the Republicans are just too horrible not to vote for the democrat.
This is surprising, given the overall message of the book that change will not fundamentally come through electoral politics. Still, I highly recommend reading this for anyone capable of taking this excellent data and drawing their own conclusions.
11 of 13 people found the following review helpful
By T. Mckee
Format:Hardcover|Amazon Verified Purchase
Meet the new boss! Same as the old boss! Famous words by a famous rock band from long ago. It still has meaning today.
Most Recent Customer Reviews
1.0 out of 5 stars
What Else is New?
While I agree that this a great book, I'm puzzled, because all of these type books are being put forward as if they are some kind of new and surprising revelation. They aren't. Read more
Published on September 17, 2010 by Sanford Thier
4.0 out of 5 stars
Good book
written before Obama was elected. Plenty of things that you will never hear in the MSM
Published on July 3, 2010 by KDelphi
5.0 out of 5 stars
best book to come from the left in a long time
Paul is a genius. He saw Obama as a conservative before anyone.The detail and the back-up on his argument is flawless. Read more
Published on February 28, 2010 by miquixote
5.0 out of 5 stars
It's all there in black and white
For progressives who want to know what went wrong. How did all that hope and change end up in a giant bank bailout, escalation in Afghanistan, and letting the torturers off the... Read more
Published on February 2, 2010 by Johnuw93
4.0 out of 5 stars
" Flawed"
There was another book written by another reporter also from Chicago, also a Democrat, David Mendell,"Obama From Promise to Power". Read more
Published on September 13, 2009 by Nora L. Halpert
5.0 out of 5 stars
Paul Street called it.
Any liberal or leftie who had great expectations for Obama should have read this excellent, well documented, rational analysis of Obama's cautious record and conservative impulses. Read more
Published on May 16, 2009 by Julia
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