The author's remarkable ability to clarify basic issues arouses my admiration and (I regret to say) my jealousy." -- The Mises Review, Vol. 2, No. 4, Winter 1996
"de Jasay, in his characteristic style, presents an insightful but scattered treatment of issues in the economics of politics." -- Tyler Cowen, George Mason University, Public Choice Vol. 93,
... Anthony de Jasay, in his essay 'Before Resorting to Politics', appears to agree that utilitarianism has become the dominant true belief among modern liberals, who are liberals merely because they recognise that politics in the large won't work. But by staying within this framework liberals are likely to continue to lose the fight against politics in the small; they can never identify the full consequences of piecemeal government control, and it seems illogical to limit the scope of government, since this may prevent it from 'doing good'. Even more profoundly, utilitarianism has left liberals in a precarious philosophical position, for there are deep problems with the interpersonal measurement and balancing of utilities. As de Jasay says, it is hardly morally justifiable to allow some people's preferences to outweigh others merely because they happen to be in power or are fashionable. Nor will arguing that freedom has some intrinsic philosophical value necessarily work, si! nce, de Jasay argues, as an ultimate good freedom is undermined by a devastating relativism. What if the next person does not value freedom? But positing freedom as the means to an end (as some utilitarians might do) merely wrecks it at one remove. -- John Rogers, Agenda Vol. 4, No. 4, pp. 508-510, 1997
Still optimistic about the moral philosophy of liberty that underlies the minimal state, Rowley calls for a definition of bedrock, the first principles of liberalism. This is the challenge to be met by the subsequent papers.
Anthony de Jasay addresses this challenge in his paper Before Resorting to Politics by exploring actions whose advocates claim support liberalism but which, in fact, contradict it. His careful discussion of consequentialism is a case in point. Given a nation/state, some argue that the collective can right wrongs and perfect markets by taking purposeful action when estimated social benefits exceed social costs; the end result justifies rightful intervention. But as de Jasay points out, the consequentialist argument collapses under the challenge of aggregating preferences across individuals and dealing with the even more serious problem of somehow measuring benefits and costs in the absence of voluntary exchange. The medical nostrum first do no harm is offered as a basis for testing all political proposals before actions are taken. -- Bruce Yandle, Clemson University, Constitutional Political Economy Vol. 8, No. 1, 93-95, 1997
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