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Beyond the Age of Innocence: Rebuilding Trust Between America and the World

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Singaporean scholar and diplomat Kishore Mahbubani is a great admirer of the United States. He is also a stern critic. I think these qualities are exactly what America needs now at the time of our greatest strength. What Mahbubani wants is to gently admonish the United States for acting unilaterally and without the benefit of international law, while at the same time remind us all of America's greatness and all that America has done for the world.

He emphasizes that the US is not and has not been an ordinary superpower. Unlike other great states, it has not sought empire or the economic enslavement of the vanquished. Instead it has rebuilt the enemy, as in Germany and Japan, and as it is presumably trying to do in Iraq. These extraordinary behaviors by a nation state mark the US as an enlightened nation, a nation that knows that world stability and the economic success of other nations only contribute to stability and the good life at home.

"America is...an atypical human society," he writes, "unlike any other. Until recently, it has served as a powerful beacon, pointing to a future for all of humankind. That is its essence, its real mission: to remain true to its soul and remain an extraordinary society." (p. 211) Mahbubani adds that in other parts of the world, the men who open doors for you...look down in a sort of implicit bow," but that "New York doormen never look down. They look you straight in the eye and behave as total equals... They may work...in the building" and "receive tips...but they possess not an iota of inferiority." (p. 210) He calls this "an enormous leap upwards in the human evolutionary ladder." He believes that "America has largely escaped the pernicious effects of class stratification prevalent in the rest of the world." (p. 211)

His main point, however, is that America power reaches with its tentacles, both soft and hard, into every country of the world and affects everybody from the poorest to the wealthiest. Yet the only people who have any direct say in what the US does are Americans who can vote for its leadership. Consequently there is great frustration throughout the world with a power that to some extent controls them, but that they cannot control.

Mahbubani believes that it is especially important that America use its military power wisely. If we do not, the rest of the world will view our "soft power" suspiciously "as an increasingly frayed velvet glove that covers a mailed fist." (p. 197)

As an example of the wise use of military power, Mahbubani notes that "Global trade continues to grow steadily. Many reasons explain this: technology, open markets (an ideology spread by American influence), political stability, global trading rules (another American legacy). But one important factor that is rarely mentioned or recognized is the spread of American military power around the world. American military power keeps global sea and air routes open. Any force that tries to disrupt these routes will have to reckon with America. Since no country can, global trade has flourished." (p. 140)

Consequently, Mahbubani argues, the rest of the world benefits "enormously and directly from the global American military presence, which costs American taxpayers over $400 billion a year. But other nations pay not a penny for this." (p. 141)

What Mahbubani would like to see--barring a sharing of power--is a foreign policy by the US that understands the extent of its power and uses that power wisely for the benefit of all and not just for narrow, short-term American interests. He believes that what is good for the rest of the world is good the for the US. If the rest of the world suffers because of unenlightened US policy, as it sometimes has in the past, the US itself will suffer as well.

He makes it clear that the neocon dream of an American Empire is a delusion based on an unrealistic understanding of both America and the modern world. He writes, "With all the military power in the world, America appears incapable of subjugating one medium-sized country in the Middle East because it is incapable of administering the kind of brutal suppression the British applied when they conquered Iraq in 1917." (p. 10) He adds on page 202, "If America cannot tolerate the sight of its soldiers abusing a few Iraqis, how can it build an empire?"

Then there is the question of legitimacy. Although they have no vote on who is elected president of the United States, Mahbubani believes that the planet's 6.3 billion citizens "are the ultimate custodians of legitimacy in the international environment." (p. 186) Since most Americans believe in the rule of law and in the idea that some actions are legitimate within its scope and others not, it behooves our government to act accordingly. Mahbubani's point is that if our use of power (as in the invasion of Iraq) is not seen as legitimate, we will lose prestige and credibility in the world, and with that loss, we will abdicate moral leadership and ultimately become isolated from the rest of the world. In the "Age of Innocence" that would have been okay. China existed for centuries isolated from the rest of the world as did the US (for the most part) until the first world war. However in the modern world where everyone is so closely connected, such isolation is not possible.

A note on Mahbubani's choice of title and his message: "The Age of Innocence" was before the modern age, before the globalization of the planet. There is a novel by Edith Wharton with the title The Age of Innocence published in 1920 (but set in the1870s). With every country in the world affecting not only its neighbors but countries around the globe, there can no longer be any innocence of intent in foreign affairs.

This is a wonderful book. Kishore has achieved a crucial balance between personal experience and general observation (I relished the journey as a reader between these poles!) and between being critical and supportive (it is unfortunate one has to be applauded for such an achievement but 'dem's the breaks' in today's polarized environment!).

Kishore's book beautifully articulates some generally-recognized dichotomies - for instance, the tension between individual American generosity and structural institutional implacability - and introduced me to welcome new insights. I was particularly taken with the notion of the ordinariness of American national interest in the context of superpower status and the structural disregard for external consequences - both critical insights for a prolegomena for any future reform of the American role in the world.

Mr. Mahbubani's book is a valuable resource on foreign policy. He hopes the book will help "make American society aware that daily, billion of pairs of eyes are watching, studying and judging America." - xix. Mahbubani came from a poor Hindu family in Singapore and luckily got a scholarship to university. His perspective is very interesting because of his view from having been poor AND privileged. He also looks to America as a shining example in the world, but has some problems with some of our policies of the past thirty or so years.

I first saw him on "Foreign Exchange" with Fareed Zakaria and it should be noted that his style of writing is very similar to that of Zakaria and Thomas L. Friedman, both of who he quotes a great deal. The book is very strong in the beginning when he talks about how America has helped and harmed the world as well as America's relation with Islam and China. Mahbubani's chapter on China where he suggests that having China become the major dealer with Islamic countries is VERY interesting:
"Even though China has a sizeable Muslim population of its own, this Muslim minority has not dictated the terms of China's engagement with the Islamic world. As a consequence, without any historical baggage (unlike, say, Islam with Christianity and the Crusades), there is no natural antipathy between Islam and China. Instead, there has long been admiration of the great Chinese civilization within the Islamic world. If China successfully modernizes, its success may have a powerful ripple effect throughout the Islamic world. Many Islamic thinkers are reluctant to use the West as a model for Islam to emulate . . . But these same thinkers would have no hesitation to use China as a positive example." - pp.125-126

Toward the end, Mahbubani starts to sound like a NY Times columnist like Kristof, Dowd or Krugman attacking (and repeating) how America has harmed the world with farm subsidies, Iraq, Kyoto and the IMF. He has lost some of his great faith in America and you can see this.

One of his biggest wishes (and I am in full agreement with him) is that regular Americans need to know more about international affairs. According to Mahbubani, Americans (and even many government officials) rarely know how their actions in international affairs have ripple effects on others around the world, in many ways they never would know or realize. Many Americans have no idea how a good deal of the world holds them in contempt for things America didn't necessarily think was bad at the time, but may have turned out differently later on. This is his main point of the book: America has to implement its policy while examining ALL of the possible effects on others, because it could come back to haunt you. Sure, one policy might not be favorable to another group or groups, but you must be cautious and wise.

Two movie quotes would sum up this review: Spock (from Star trek II) said, "The needs of the many outweigh the needs of the few or the one." And from Spiderman (and Mahbubani uses this): "With great power comes great responsibility."

Overall, a recommended book on what America can do to re-shape it image in the world while also dealing with the rise of China.

If another Rwanda happens, the world will sit on its hands and do nothing. That's exactly what representatives of the 5 permanent members of the Security Council admitted at a private meeting.

Why is the world the way it is today?

Kishore Mahbubani offers rare insights and some sound recommendations for American global policy after 9/11. This isn't the run of the mill, former policy insider publication that sounds out the same tired refrain. What makes this book stand out is that it is written by an outsider with deep knowledge of America, its global strategy and its dealings with the world. Mahbubani is a kind of Asian Tocqueville of American foreign policy. He peppers the book with personal anecdotes and salts it with his wide-ranging diplomatic experience. He has produced a work that isn't just aimed at the policy wonks at CFR and the other high-brow institutions (although he certainly knows them), but pitched at the average American who cares about the US and its world standing, as well as all global citizens.

Thanks to Mahbubani's clear and uncluttered style of writing, we learn how America benefits and harms the world while separate chapters on America's relations with Islam and China highlight two major challenges for the sole superpower. Mahbubani speaks to all Americans honestly about the "in your face" attitude of American power, or at least one aspect of it, suggests how to better manage it and charts the way ahead for a more stable world order.

Apart from the many fascinating behind the scenes diplomatic stories, this book taught me two simple truths: First, the world can be a really nasty place. Two, only America has the power to limit its nastiness. The big question is whether it will heed the message to use its power wisely, or whether it will give in to its worst instincts.

Anyone who cares about the past, present and future of our world should read this honest and compelling book. And American leaders should read it if they want to restore the lustre to the city on the hill.

I don't agree with all that Kishore Mahbuhani says, but he summaries very nicely the post cold-war attitudes that have arisen as a result of US policy, the world over. I highly recommend this book, especially to those who asked, "why do they hate us?" after 9/11.

If a required reading list existed for all Americans, this would most certainly be included. In the book's 212 pages, there is not a single statement I could take issue with. The 4 previous reviews have done justice to the author.
The USA had a spectacular origin and has a long list of contributions to society, but this book points out that the average American doesn't have a clue as to what is happening in the rest of the world, doesn't understand why the rest of the world often disagrees with us when we incorrectly think we're on the moral high ground, and therefore aren't aware of the potential adverse consequences of our actions. Page 166: "One remarkable paradox about this global village is that the occupants of the household with the best information resources are among the least well-informed about what happens outside their house. Like many other large societies, America has wrapped itself up in a comfortable insularity....When Americans watch Monica Lewinsky, the rest of the world watches the Americans watching Monica Lewinsky. It would be no exaggeration to say that for the rest of the world, Americans have become like goldfish in a bowl, absorbed and self-contained in their little universe with, apparently, little or no awareness of the eyes watching them from outside.....Hence, the 6 billion other citizens of the planet have to share an ever-shrinking space with a progressively "noisy" neighbor whose domestic affairs are thrust into the faces of the rest of the world...But they turn on their TV sets to find the weird reality television of American domestic life instead. This is dangerous"
Mahbubani makes it clear why we can't `democratize' others, including China. He makes it clear why Islam is and will be such a worldly dominant force. [It has the most followers @ > 1.2 billion, as a group they're more fervent {stopping to pray 5x's/day}, and they are present in every `corner' of the planet]. He explains why our subsidy system is a crime, why we need a hefty gas tax, why the world saw our invasion of Iraq as not legitimate, the failures of the IMF and the UNSC (United Nations Security Council), and much more.
He has hope for our country to lead us into the next century, by suggesting 4 strategic decisions America has to make. But, "...often the right hand of American is not aware what the left hand is doing". [p. 38]. This is just one of many concerns I have that mitigate my hope for America's future. Reading this book and `spreading the word' may improve our chances.

Kishore Mahbubani's book provides, in uncluttered prose and through a balanced lens, a wake-up call both for current/future architects of U.S. foreign policy and for the ordinary bewildered U.S. citizen. This book details the flaws in current U.S. direction and manages to do so in a fair and balanced manner, which never smacks of the shallow and often uninformed anti-Americanism that is so trendy at the moment.

Mr. Mahbubani clearly loves America and so his stark criticism of its behaviour is the honest and earnest admonishing that one sometimes hears from a true and trusted friend.

George Bush's offensive words: "If you are not with us, you are against us." came to mind as I read this book. At a governmental level, many countries must give the appearance of being with America; it is economic suicide to do otherwise. At a societal level, however, America has few allies.

This is worthy reading.

Kishore Mahbubani is an avowed admirer of America and what it stands for. When the European empires crumbled in the aftermath of the Second World War, it looked as if America was going to deliver mankind from servitude and oppression and faciliate every nation's right to self determination...and for the longest time, America was that beacon of light to which all free men gravitated. So how is it that within a short span of less than 50 years, the world's most powerful and admired nation has become the world's most misunderstood and disliked nation by a surprisingly large number of otherwise friendly nations ? In this excellent treatise, Mahbubani laments that America has forgotten the adage that with power comes responsibility, that as the world's only superpower, it cannot afford to behave like any ordinary nation and act only in its own narrow interests. The tragedy is that America's low level of self awareness and appreciation of the extent of its power and influence over the lives of the rest of mankind has led it to behave insensitively - even parochially - towards the rest of the world thereby inadvertently sullying its own image. If America has sinned against the world, it has done so unknowingly but that's no excuse when the stakes for the future of mankind are as high as they are. Mahbubani argues that the tragedy being played out is not irreversible and urges America to take stock and reconsider its stance on inter-civilization and strategic policy issues to become yet again the great nation the world once admired.

"Beyond The Age of Innocence" is an astoundingly intelligent, well argued and relevant treatise on a subject that must be on the minds of most citizens of the world. Read it.

This book is written by a diplomat who has seen America from both the inside looking out, and the outside looking in. As such, he offers a glimpse of America and our actions abroad that few others can offer. This book describes America's foreign policy since World War II, how this policy and its actions have affected the world, and how this policy and its actions were viewed by the world.

The topics/events covered include the Cold War, Vietnam War, trade policies with Latin America, trade policies with East Asia, and relationships with Middle East countries. The book itself covers the history at a brisk pace with not a lot of detail. What the author does emphasize is how America's actions abroad affected the lives and opinions of other people.

This book is correct in saying that America has held forth democracy as the optimal form of government, and that the American standard of living also backed up this supposition. This book is also correct in saying how America's actions often do not support democracy abroad; with listed examples being America's direct support of military dictatorships. The author also gives a good summary of the financial crises in various nations during the late 1990's, and how the actions of the US government, both directly, and indirectly through the IMF and World Bank, impoverished millions in poorer countries. As such, this book is another in a very long line of texts critical of American hypocrisy; many of which are worth reading.

There are several things that the book is incorrect about. First, the author retells his career, and how the society and culture of America provided him the opportunities to work hard and succeed in a way that few other societies would have provided. This is true, but the author forgets to mention that he probably came from a family that emphasized hard work and success, hence giving him the skills and personality traits to succeed. If the author was born and raised in America, and went thru the American public education system, he would have certainly turned out differently.

Second, the author fails to mention that the economic opportunites he found in America are not open to all of America's citizens. A quick tour of the various Native American reservations throughout the US will bear this out. Throughout the 1700's, 1800's, and 1900's, white colonialists took over the North American continent. This was accompanied by economic growth in white America, and the destruction of Native Americans.

Overall, this book is worth reading, though the points it makes are covered in greater detail in many other books.

Mr. Mahbukani should know that "America" is a continent and not a country. He should have titled his book "Beyond the Age of Innocence: Rebuilding Trust Between the United States and the World.