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The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution

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James delivers an exquisitely descriptive account of the only slave revolt that ultimately lead to the founding of a black republic in the heart of the Caribbean. This well written book reads like prose making it an easy read. James does an excellent job of letting the reader know who the players in San Domingo were before and during the revolution including - the big whites (planters); small whites (artisans and professionals); mulattoes and blacks. The psychological make up and desires of each class is fully explained so that the reader instantly understands why alliances between the groups were formed and dissolved over time and their effect on colonial government. The character of Toussaint L'Ouverture, the black general who led the slave revolt and administered the colonial government, is discussed throughout the book and insights into his thinking and perspective are gained through his written correspondence and his governmental orders. This allows the reader to gain an in-depth understanding of L'Ouverture as a 3 dimensional persona. The book contains an excellent bibliography for reference. Black Jacobins however is not without some minor flaws. First, although James gives a good account of the desires of various sectors of French society, he fails to give as rich an account of the motivations and perspectives of the French statesmen operating in France. Second, James discussion of Dessaline, L'Ouverture's general who persecuted the revolt to its end, is not dealt with in the same depth as the other major personas. Other writers have undoubtedly covered Dessaline but it would have been nice to gain James' perspective. Critics of James have gone as far as to suggest that he subverts racial dynamics for class dynamics. Two points on this issue refute this notion. First, James provides ample information on the role of race in shaping the motivations of the major partisan groups. Indeed, the reader gains a real appreciation for the prominent role mulattoes played in the revolution and how their attitudes on race and liberty helped shape the alliances they made. Second, writing as a son of Haitian immigrants, I can attest to the fact that Haitians don't perceive race prejudice in Haiti the same way blacks to in the United States. This is not surprising considering that blacks constitute not only the social but also a political majority in Haiti. Rather Haitian society is more sensitive to distinctions in color, education and background. Since color distinctions was the only factor relevant during the revolution, James only deals with that particular distinction and he does so in a balanced manner. Finally, the prospective purchaser of Black Jacobins should be aware that James espouses a Marxist worldview. However, his ideology is not so pervasive as to render the book unpalatable to non-subscribers of Marxism. James provides ample independent references for his historical accounts and the critical reader will find that the conclusions he draws are credible. I would recommend this book.

Remarkably for a book written in 1938, this amazing volume is as compelling today as it was then. Extremely well-written, passionate, and erudite, C.L.R. James's classic is still the starting point I would recommend for anyone interested in Haitian history. I would also recommend it to anyone who wants to know more about the French Revolution. The narrative reads like a great novel, despite being a well-researched history book. Years before mainstream U.S. or European historians saw Carribbean history as relevant, the West Indian James showed its import for both Western and Global History.

First, James shows the utterly heartbreaking treatment the slaves of Saint-Domingue (now Haiti) were subject to. Then he demonstrates the contradictions in Western Revolutionary thought which used emancipatory language but refused to address the issue of colonial slavery. Then the leaders of the slave revolution emerge in his story as true sans-culottes, Jacobins and patriots in their own right; men and women who refuse to let Napoleon reenslave them and forge a nation. Their act of "rebellion", the creation of the first black republic in the Americas and the only successful slave revolt in history, would strike fear into the hearts of slaveowners everywhere. They would pay for taking the heady egalitarian language of the 18th century seriously-in both the 19th century and the 20th and beyond, they would be subject to pay enormous indemnities to Europe for having "taken" the plantations of the whites, be subject to embargos, be forcibly invaded on several occasions, have dictators foisted upon them, and much more.

But none of that could take away the fact that their courage, bravery, and love of freedom had earned them their freedom from slavery and that their history deserved to be recorded, admired, and preserved. No one has ever done that more skillfully than C.L.R. James.

A truly triumphant story.

The Black Jacobins is an informative and compelling story of the Haitian Revolution. While Mr. James takes the reader through the many events that made up the revolution his obvious Marxist perspective and desire to promote a class theory of the revolution is a major limitation. For instance, in order to put forth a Marxist class theory for the revolution Mr. James is forced to underplay other more important factors -such as race.

All in all this book is a positive read for anyone who is intersted in a part of history that is too little known. The life and times of Toussiant L'Ouverture and the Haitian Revolution is a must read for anyone who wants to understand the current state of affairs in Haiti as well as a very dark side of French, British and American relations with the country. Given the barbaric conditions the slaves were subjected to and devestation that was visited on the country in order to defeat the invading French troops it is easier to understand the present state of affairs in Haiti.

The Black Jacobins is a timeless classic in both the history and practice of liberation theory.I enjoyed the distinct pleasure of taking undergraduate work with CLR James in the early eighties. His undimmed passion and clarity shaped me deeply. He was quite arguably the greatest unabashed dialectical materialist of the Harlem Renaissance. I heartily recommend that you treat yourself to this,his signature creation.

I enjoy reading history books, and it is always good to pick one up and read about the events that shaped mankind's developement.

But every once in a long while, one comes across a history book that is so well written and engagin, that it becomes far more than just a book recounting past events, far more than just a book one learns from, and instead becomes an experience, a book to enjoy! This is such a rare book.

I purchased it simply to have soemthing to teach me about Toussaint L'Ouverture and Haitian Independence, and instead got a book I could hardly put down.

Besides the excellent writing, what makes this book especially wonderful and memorable to read, is that James doesn't just discuss the Haitian Revolt, but goes into details about the French Revolution, and its inner complexity and contradictions. He also touches often upon the more psychological dimensions of the struggle.

Now, as others have pointed out, James' Marxism does tint his writing, but never to a degree as to give the impression that one is reading a dishonest or heavily biased account of events.

One minor, or perhaps not so minor, limitation of the book is that it does not treat the successful post-L'Ouverture Haitian fight and independence with the same detail as the previous times. I suppose for that one needs to take a look at other books, but nevertheless aside form the final events, all the history is right here covered brilliantly and with great insight.

Highly recommended, for anyone interested in Haitian history, as well as just good solid well-written non-fiction books.

Just what sort of a man was Toussaint L'ouverture? Was he a violent revolutionary or a Saint? Perhaps the answer lies somewhere between the two. In any event, he was to be the man who would inspire the Haitian Revolution; the only successful revolt of slaves against their colonial rulers. The book masterfully chronicles the history of San Domingo from 1789, to the establishment of an independent Haiti in 1803. It reveals the intrigue practiced by the differing racial groups and the often unlikely alliances they formed in order to gain or maintain power. How France came to lose this jewel in her colonial empire is clearly explained - a defeat brought about not exclusively by force of arms. The book is a must for any reader who desires to know how a man with vision and courage can inspire an unquenchable thirst for liberty in those without hope.

though this book provides a mostly top-down analysis which attributes the st domingue revolution mostly to developments in france, it is still a classic. it's a perfect reference point - james employs his knowledge of the west indies to flesh out a brilliant tale. read it alongside carolyn fick's "the making of haiti" and you'll have a perfect perspective of what really went down. this book is part of the holy trinity of books regarding the haitian revolution. all proud haitian-americans should read this to understand the imperfect but perfect revolution.

C.L.R. James has presented a fascinating read. The detail with which he portrays the slave society of St Domingue before the French Revolution enables the reader to envision and almost become one with the scene in all of its horrific gore and misery, where not even the slave owners desired to remain. When it comes to the beginning of the revolts on the island in 1791, the author, although highly sympathetic to the black slaves, is fair in his evaluation of the leaders, supporting but not overly glorifying men like Christophe, Moïse, and Dessalines. Perhaps the most valuable and interesting parts of his coverage up until the late Directory period in France is his treatment of the Parisian sans-culottes and the Terror, the relation of French political developments to the revolts on the island, his arguments justifying revolutionary violence, and the honest evaluation of the abolitionist movements in both France and England, which tended to be for very gradual steps to eliminate slavery, and especially in the latter country tended to be more politically popular for economic rather than humanitarian reasons. But if slavery was found to be profitable, which is seemed to be solely in St. Domingue, then slavery could be accepted, which the author points out was the British policy when they attempted to invade the island during this period.

However, despite being very well written and engaging, the book had some set-backs that prohibit me from as enthusiastically embracing it. First of all, the sources cited are sparse and sometimes singular books are made to act as the basis of too large of sections. For instance, the first two chapters, describing the background of the lives of both the slaves and slave owners in society, rely almost singularly on Pierre de Vassière's Saint-Domingue, and throughout the entire book, his fall-back reference is Pamphile de Lacroix's Mémoires. Numerous quotes also lack any form of citation, as do a few rather large claims. On page 269 he writes, "Bonaparte hated black people;" however, his singular evidence is the antagonism between Napoleon and General Dumas, which the author ascribes to racial hatred. There a few problems with this: (1) Dumas also disliked Napoleon, (2) The author specifically described in his previous chapters the intricacies of racial views, and by claiming that Napoleon's opposition to this mulatto general transfers to the blacks would defy the author's own description, and (3) He provides absolutely no evidence as to why this dislike was based on race rather than on personality, especially since this feeling was mutual between the two. This is a weak defense for his needless slander of Napoleon, since by the end of that very same paragraph he writes, "Yet Bonaparte was no colonist, and his anti-Negro bias was far from influencing his major policies." (pg. 270) Another large claim is that Napoleon himself aimed at restoring slavery. There is zero evidence of this. The best evidence is the Decree of 20 May 1802, whereby in the colonies where slavery was not abolished in 1794 because they were controlled by the British, abolition would not be newly extended. As criminal as this was, it was a concession, not a desire, of Napoleon's, and did not re-establish slavery, but rather tolerated it's continued existence in certain areas. The next and really only other suggestive evidence was the actual re-establishment of slavery on Guadeloupe, but that was done locally by Gen. Richepanse, not by Napoleon, although he did nothing to contradict this decision. Consequently, the author's argument should have aimed to demonstrate that Gen. Leclerc had secretly desired the re-establishment of slavery on the island, not Napoleon.

In addition, the author's zealous defense of Toussaint L'Ouverture weakened the final chapters of the book on the French expedition of 1801 and the end of the Haitian Revolution. For one, he never addresses, either to defend or condemn, Toussaint's decision to instate forced labor when he was in command of the island, especially in light of a flimsy economy where although he promised shared profits, he could not do so for long. In effect, with his very restrictive and prohibitive dictatorship, one could argue that it was virtually slavery in all but word. The change was in the treatment of the workers, not in the involuntary state of labor, a distinction that was and is so often ignored or blurred. This is a surprising absence, especially since the author tries to be the empowering defender of the people, who in actuality would have been poorly off as such had not the French expedition ended his reign. In addition, the author fails to address the less pleasant details of Toussaint's 1801 Constitution, focusing solely on the written guarantee of the abolition of slavery, racial equality, and meritocracy, while failing to mention the loss of the revolutionary freedom of worship with the official creation of a solely Catholic state, the prohibition against divorce, the prohibition of any part of government except for the Governor [Toussaint] alone to correspond with the Metropole [France], the political empowerment of the military, and the exemption of the military from civil law. This "Black Jacobin" was a friend of equality and fraternity, but not liberty. Finally, he makes no attempt to demonstrate how Napoleon might have viewed the situation except as part of the bourgeoisie. Nothing was mentioned of Napoleon's significant personal belief in loyalty which was destroyed when he thought that not only did Toussaint want independence but was also felt to be personally betraying him, or even how any of the rough handling and dismissal of mainland French officials and representatives by Toussaint could be interpreted as rebellious behavior, instead solely insisting that slavery was the real motivation, not to any degree a French sense of being betrayed by treasonous colonists.

With these exceptions noted, I nevertheless regard this book as a great source for the topic, especially on the structure of St Domingue society, the influence of the developing French Revolution, and the Haitian Revolution from 1791 through until 1801. Although the book has an open bias, expected from a more famous Marxist author, it is generally well argued, and gives the reader new perspectives and outlooks to consider. The Black Jacobins is well worth the money, and deserves a place on the shelves of any student of French, colonial, or Caribbean history and race relations.

The French Revolution, as all great revolutions, had effects on world politics and the struggle of other peoples whom awoken to political life in the afterglow of that event. The fight for freedom in French Santo Domingo (now Haiti, the name that I will use to avoid confusion hereafter) led by Toussaint to a point just short of independence is a prime example of that effect. Without the revolution in the metropolis it is very unlikely that at that time the struggle in Haiti could have been successful. The history of the times was replete with unsuccessful slave rebellions. Why it was successful in Haiti and how that success was accomplished, mainly under the leadership of Toussaint in its decisive phases, is the subject of the eccentric Marxist, later Pan-Africanist historian C.L.R. James. Although originally written in 1938 Black Jacobin is still the best biography of Toussaint in English.

The freedom struggle in Haiti, a tropical island well suited to intensive agricultural development for the new international market in those goods necessary for the embryonic industrial system, was above all the struggle for the abolition of slavery. The fight against that servile condition that even many revolutionaries, white and black, and former revolutionaries of the time broke their teeth on. Today that freedom struggle, successful in its way in the Haiti of the early 19th century, remains a shining example of the only really successful fight against slavery by the slaves. So it pays to pay particular attention to the fight.

The forces which pushed the French Revolution forward in the metropolis had their its own set of priorities, among them the fight to move the population from a condition of subjugation to a monarch to citizens of a democracy. I have noted elsewhere how important that changed social status was to the historical and psychological development of modern humankind. Nevertheless that same psychology applies to the struggle in Haiti although even more so under conditions of chattel slavery. Thus, the events in French had their reflection in the colonies particularly in Haiti. One can observe in France the changes in attitude and policy from the early revolutionary days when all classes were good fellows and true through the rise of the leftist Robespierre regime based on the plebian masses, its eventually overthrow and establishment of the Directory and then the various manifestations of the regimes of Napoleon. That regime and its treacherous colonial policy attempting was a very far drop down hill from the early heady days when even moderate revolutionaries were in both places prepared to go quite far to eliminate slavery in Haiti.

There is something of a truism in the statement that great revolutions throw up personalities fit for the times. Certainly revolutions shake up the traditional order of things and let some who might have stayed dormant rise to the occasion. That is the case with Toussaint. For most of his life he was a middle level functionary on his master's estate respected by not slated for greatness. Early on, as the struggle against slavery heated up among the black slaves he exhibited the military, social, political diplomatic and other skills that would eventual thrust him into the leadership of the liberation struggle, This is really saying something special about the man because in the context of that Haitian revolution with the initial disputes between British Spanish and French interests and then the conflicting interests on the island itself between white, black and mulatto would have driven a lesser man around the bend. That it did not do so and that in his errors that which at times were grievous, especially around his seemingly obsessive commitment to maintain the French connection, does not take away from the grandeur of the experience. A cursory look at the latter developments on the island and the seemingly never ending series of tin pot despots who in their turn devastated the island only brings out Toussaint's fascinating role, warts and all, in the earlier liberation struggle in broader relief.

I've read a number of books on the Caribbean and was taught about the Haitian revolution in school. The latter cursorily in comparison to James's work. His analysis of race and class are concurrent as the Haitian dymanics necessitate such. One of the most salient things was the bizarreness of the social arrangements in Haiti: Great Whites, Small Whites, Mulattoes (even more stratification in this class) and Africans. Maybe the events that transpired were ineluctable. Here are these variant races and classes in the midst of an African revolution with a French Revolution correlate and interface. This political climate produced some of the most intelligent, heroic and proficient men in History: Toussaint, Dessalines, Moise, Petion and Christophe. James's work is flawless and timeless.