Customer Reviews

Black Picket Fences : Privilege and Peril Among the Black Middle Class

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Members of Duke University's Sigma Nu fraternity are thugs. At least, one could get that impression from walking by their section and hearing such musical selections as "Baby I'm a Thug" and "Nothin' but a G Thang" that are frequently boom from within. Adopting parts of the gangsta persona for well-monied groups of future investment bankers and may be relatively consequence free but may not be the case for many youths in Chicago's South Side. This is one issue that Mary Pattillo-McCoy addresses in her ethnographic study of the middle class residents of the South Side's Groveland community, Black Picket Fences: Privilege and Peril Among The Black Middle Class.

Black Picket Fences is in part a response to what Pattillo-McCoy characterizes as the research pendulum of socio-economic studies of blacks having "swung to the extreme." That is, despite the large body of research focusing on the black population, the overwhelming majority further focuses on the less affluent portions of the population, having largely other segments the black population. However, research and knowledge of the black middle class is vitally important because, as Pattillo-McCoy points out, these are the people who are supposedly living the lives that our government and society has envisioned for all blacks following the Civil Rights era of the 1960s.

In the book, the author emphasizes the prevalence and importance of spatial orientation of racial communities. Pattillo-McCoy utilizes census data to show that in Chicago and most other metropolitan areas, black communities are concentrated in "black belts" surrounded by tracts of predominantly white communities. On the periphery of these black belts are often middle-income black communities that serve as a buffer between white communities and low-income black communities.

This picture, though, is not static through time. Pattillo-McCoy reveals a game of racial cat-and-mouse in which middle class black families are chasing their white counterparts. The pattern starts when a black family moves into a predominantly white neighborhood. Whites begin leaving the area, and soon the area is predominantly middle class black. Then lower income blacks migrate into the area, creating a mixture of economic statuses within the community. Such is the case in Groveland.

One concern that arises from her heavy reliance on census data, though, is the possibility of generalization. This is especially troublesome in light of the high socio-economic diversity of many black communities that Pattillo-McCoy describes. This is not as much in relation to her Groveland study area, but the other South Side communities that the author details in chapters one and two.

The implications of living in such an economically diverse community are large, especially for adolescents. Pattillo-McCoy points out that the appeal of deviance to teenagers cuts across racial and class lines, the motivations and accessibility of deviant behavior are often very different. In Groveland, a teenager is constantly confronted with realities of gang life and drug use because gang members and drug users are a large part of the Groveland community. In fact, most teenagers have acquaintances who are in gangs or who know gang members. This means that a part of the teenager's social network probably participates in gang behavior and drug use, making him or her both easy access and social reinforcement for such activities. This is less often the case for middle class whites, who often reside in homogenous neighborhoods where gangs and drugs are less common.

McCoy also emphasizes that today's young Groveland residents are much downward social mobility than previous generations of Groveland residents and middle class whites outside of Groveland.

There are often family and community security mechanisms to help Groveland residents. It is relatively common for divorced or resource-limited mothers to move in with her own parents. The grandparents help in parenting by supervising children, changing diapers, and serving as role models for children. Also, many families in Groveland are third or fourth generation residents, so most people in the community have long-standing social connections to other residents. These connections often prevent wrong-doers from targeting others in the community, and the familiarity helps potential targets feel more comfortable around people they perceive as being criminals, because in all likelihood they know each other or other's parents or children.

McCoy shows how individual Groveland residents deftly navigate between "street" and "decent" parts of their social networks by code and persona switching. Chief among these is William "Spider" Waters, a marijuana-smoking gang member who works two jobs with the Chicago Mercantile Exchange and Groveland Park, respectively. At the exchange, he speaks proper English, goes by Will, and works on his days off. In Groveland, he speaks Black English, goes by Spider, and "kicks it" with his friends. Tyson Reed, former Groveland gang member, student at Grambling University, and aspiring lawyer, points out the even though he talks about school, grades, and academic things, he doesn't broach the subjects of grades or Albert Einstein with his friends from the ghetto.

This book has wide-ranging relevance. It is enriching academic reading for students in sociology, cultural anthropology, and ethnographic studies. More importantly, though, this book is very important to American citizens in general. This book is about their neighbors and illustrates injustices that take place within America's borders. If the American social ideal of racial integration is to ever become a reality, the American public needs to be more informed about why integration is taking so long, why middle class citizens are still socially constrained, and what unjust situations are being perpetuated within America's borders. Black Picket Fences gives a very personal, very compelling answers to these queries. It is certain that the situations that exist in Groveland exist elsewhere in America and quite probable that they exist outside of America, too. Therefore, this book comes highly recommended to everyone.

A remarkable achievement for a young scholar of any ethnicity or cultural/social background. The fact that the author is young and Black is, however, inspiring. In this reviewer's opinion, the author offers insights and analyses, particularly as it relates to the complexities and complications of middle class, Black youth choices and outcomes, not heretofore provided in previous ethnographic studies. Anyone interested in gaining new or additional insights about why different outcomes may result among Black youth from similar backgrounds and circumstances should read this book.

This is perhaps the most significant book on the black middle class since Wilson's Declining Significance of Race. The Author gives us a community study at par with Streetwise, Getting Paid, and Street Corner Society. Through this book, black neighborhood are transformed into multi-dimensional communities, rich with institutions and networks. Truely a balanced view, which goes beyond books like the Truely Disadvantaged (although both deal with the same community). Most importantly, the author reminds us of the link between structural factors and race. The content of the book should not be overlooked, and the conclusions regarding the need to maintain race-based affirmative action, even for middle class blacks, should influence every policymaker in the country.

Through ethnographic research the author highlights the intersections between middle, working, and lower class African Americans in Groveland, a primarily African American middle class community in Chicago. Despite arguments that the African American middle class is flourishing, Patillo McCoy documents how racial segregation and racism confines many middle class African Americans to neighborhoods that frequently have to battle issues such as crime, gangs and drug use, that white middle class neighborhoods do not. In addition she does an excellent job of tying in the consumer wants and desires of African American youth and adults with the capitalist nature of American society.

Through ethnographic research the author highlights the intersections between middle, working and lower class African Americans in Groveland, a primarily African Americans middle class community in Chicago. Despite arguments that the African American middle class is flourishing, Patillo McCoy documents how racial segregation and racism confines many middle class African Americans to neighborhoods that frequently have to battle issues such as crime, gangs and drug use, that white middle class neighborhoods do not. In addition she does an excellent job of tying in the consumer wants and desires of African American youth and adults with the capitalist nature of American society.

I have much respect and admiration for research and scholarship of sociologist Mary Pattillo. I have had the good fortune to pass her on many occasions on the Northwestern University campus, though I have never wanted to impose myself upon her by introducing myself--- I am humbled in her presence.

I was first introduced to her book Black Picket Fences as an undergraduate, in a black history course. I was really excited to read this book. Why? Because black history books unfortunately tend to caste Black people in the most unfortunate of light. Black people are all too often depicted as being poor, uneducated, uncouth and living in the most dire and perilous of circumstances. While I understand that the effects of slavery made it difficult for many Blacks to rise above the poor and uneducated images represented in many history books, it is simply not the case that such was the reality for all Black Americans. There were Black middle and upper classes throughout U.S. history, though clearly the Black masses were working class or poor.

Nevertheless when U.S. history books do not reflect the entirety of the Black socio-economic specturm as accurately as they should, a disservice is done to both Black and White students of U.S. history. Blacks walk around thinking that the middle class resulted only from the Clinton administration, which is simply not true. In other words, that Blacks only stated "making it" or progressing socio-economically in the latter years of 20th century. And, Whites use the historical presentation of Blacks as poor and uneducated to often make their cases against Affirmative Action. All too often they seem to incorrectly identify it as a quota system that allows "unqualified" (unskilled) and "intellectually inferior" Blacks professional and economic advantages over more deserving and qualified Whites. Of course this is simply not the truth about Affirmative Action.

So YAY!!!! Mary was going to finally tell the story of the Black middle class, and set the record straight for all to see. Finally someone was acknowledging that there even was a Black middle class in existence prior to the Clinton administration.

In reading the book, I quickly realized that Pattillo is really telling the story of the urban Black middle class. I, however, was of the suburban Black middle class. Therefore her book did not really speak to my experience, but spoke more to the experience of many of my urban relatives. Interestingly during my class lecture, other students reported having a reaction similar to mine. Please understand that I write this not suggest that the suburban Black experience is necessarily better than the urban Black experience. My point is only that there are significant differences between the two experiences. Granted it can be argued that the proximity of the suburb to the urban environment and socio-economic make-up of the suburban residents can also play a role in determining the extent to which there are significant similarities or differences between the urban and suburban experiences. For example, consider two Chicago suburbs such as (1) Olympia Fields and (2)Robbins. Olympia Fields is a considerably more affluent suburb than Robbins. Additionally Robbins is located considerably closer to Chicago than is Olympia Fields. This proximity may help to explain certain social ills, such the prevalence of street gangs in Robbins, whereas Olympia Fields likely does not have much of a street gang presence, if any at all. Furthermore Robbins is exclusively Black, whereas Olympia Fields is racially integrated (though I am not sure of is racial/ethnic breakdown percentage wise, I do not that it is nowhere near being exclusively Black).

Granted one could argue that she like any other scholar understands that are implied exceptions to practically everything. However, I think given the weight of this issue/topic the exception in this instance needs to be made more explicit for the sake of the reader's understanding.

So, once again, let me be clear that my only real problem with the book is that I find its title to be a misnomer and misleading, and as such I would caution readers to not assume that what Patillo has written necessarily applies universally to all middle class Black people; Black people are in fact not monolithic. The book is otherwise wonderful and definitely a book that should be required reading in all collegiate history courses concentrating on U.S. history post WWII.

Black Picket Fences is an insightful and informative survey of privilege and peril among middle class blacks providing an unusual, intriguing study of the pressures of black middle-class families. Sociologist Pattillo-McCoy lived in a black middle-class neighborhood in Chicago: her experiences serve as a foundation for analysis of social issues and change.

A must read to unpack the intersection of race and class. Patillo paints a vivid picture of the challenges faced by the Black middle as they attempt to hold their ground in the transforming economy and the world around.

The author is intelligent and well read to a point but after working for a non-profit organization collecting "research data" in an unprofessional way, she rehashes her notes as a book purportedly about the overlooked Black Middle Class in America. It reads like a college thesis referencing other equally biased papers no doubt written by other well-intentioned but completely misinformed sociologists. While she starts by citing government statistics indicating that 75% of Black America are doing just fine living above the poverty line with 20% graduating from college and 40% owning homes in integrated neighborhoods, she quickly drops all of those success stories and changes focus to ramble and I do mean ramble about various problems purported to be the White Man's fault. Oh and in case you were wondering about those success Black entertainers, athletes, or artists. They too are ignored because they were in her words "too difficult to study." Nice effort. Hope she got an A. (sarcasm)

Justification of a sort is given by a whole chapter describing living conditions for Black Americans from about 1905 to 1970. Relevance anyone? Particularly for a book written in 2000. It becomes even more meaningless when she neglects to inform the reader of exactly how everybody else (non-Black) was doing at the time for comparison.

It gets worse. While freeing admitting that Blacks who move out of inner city neighborhoods are not tracked, she claims that 60% of Blacks are living in all Black neighborhoods in districts or suburbs of major cities against their will. She is very quick to segregate them into upper and lower middle class families by income or is it education or is it family values? She cannot decide but one thing she is very clear on: White America isn't poor or lower middle class but only wealthy and educated and refined. Any comparison where Blacks come up short is because it just can't possibly be their fault and to hammer it home she repeatedly compares against this mythical White America.

Why is the Black middle class purportedly poorer and lacking in opportunities as compared to a mythical White middle class? She gives plausible reasons without realizing it.
1) Black English. In an age where any successful corporation depends upon foreign sales, the ability to speak and understand Common English (apparently White English) is a job requirement. Consequently, advancement is tied to this skill. But let's pretend that we are stuck in the 60s when the rest of the world was still rebuilding from WWII or completely lacked competitive industry so we got a free ride all the while promoting our ethnic language over the ability to communicate with strangers. Or as she put it, Blacks prefer to speak Black English at home, in the schools and in the neighborhood. Is it really a surprise then if SAT test scores are lower or job promotion is delayed? Or is she right that the tests discriminate? I wonder if she's ever seen a TOEFL exam that foreigners have to pass in order to get jobs in America?
2) geographic location. In an age where successful people attend university of their choice and move to work in other states and even often accept jobs in other countries, we are supposed to boo hoo because some people that choose to live in all Black neighborhoods don't have access to better paying jobs. Their jobs are good. They are middle class after all but they just aren't super good like mythical White jobs. Ummm... perhaps they aren't moving because they have family, neighbors and extended family spanning multiple generations? How on earth can this be anyone's fault but their own? Before you call me cold-hearted, let's not overlook the 40% of Black America that is apparently doing just fine after "movin on up." The author might be shocked to learn that White people too have to choose between living near family or moving away to start fresh with more opportunity. It is never an easy decision for anyone. One need only look at the airline traffic during the holidays as everyone rushes back to their roots to refresh.
3) academic preparedness. This isn't the agricultural age nor the industrial age. Some call it the technology age, the computer age or even the information age. Whatever you call it, one thing is clear. You need competency in reading and math. Two areas that even today many Blacks feel so strongly against that they refer to doing well in these two subjects as "acting White." Even President Obama felt the need to speak out against this tragedy of narrow-mindedness. The author cites statistics that many Blacks prefer to obtain undergrad or grad degrees in Business or Humanities or as she puts it "skills for declining sectors of the economy." Great, so the #1 reason we have to beg foreign students to complete graduate courses here and then obtain employment here is because Blacks choose not to major in energy, biotech, robotics, nano-tech, space, animation, computers, software or video games? But it's still not their fault? I don't remember ever hearing that Affirmative Action was selective about university majors. And why is the earning power of a Business major so low? Sales people always seem to dress so expensively and drive very nice cars. Bob Johnson of BET fame didn't seem to do so bad either as an entrepreneur. Oh wait, he's probably living in an integrated neighborhood and therefore excluded from this "study."

I would have liked the book better if the author had a clue about White America or better yet America. It would have made assumptions less exaggerated or ridiculous but she doesn't. In her own words, the study she participated in was focused on 4 ethnic neighborhoods. She was chosen to study a Black neighborhood because she is Black. Apparently, despite a college degree or two, Black is all she has ever wanted to know. Hmm.. maybe she attended an all Black college? If she really intended to earn money from book sales, perhaps she should take the time to stop marginalizing non-Blacks. Whatever happened to Brown vs. Board of Education?