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Blowback, Second Edition: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire [Paperback]

Chalmers Johnson
4.0 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (54 customer reviews)

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Book Description

January 4, 2004 0805075593 978-0805075595
Now with a new and up-to-date Introduction by the author, the bestselling account of the effect of American global policies, hailed as “brilliant and iconoclastic” (Los Angeles Times)

The term “blowback,” invented by the CIA, refers to the unintended results of American actions abroad. In this incisive and controversial book, Chalmers Johnson lays out in vivid detail the dangers faced by our overextended empire, which insists on projecting its military power to every corner of the earth and using American capital and markets to force global economic integration on its own terms. From a case of rape by U.S. servicemen in Okinawa to our role in Asia’s financial crisis, from our early support for Saddam Hussein to our conduct in the Balkans, Johnson reveals the ways in which our misguided policies are planting the seeds of future disaster.

In a new edition that addresses recent international events from September 11 to the war in Iraq, this now classic book remains as prescient and powerful as ever.

Frequently Bought Together

Blowback, Second Edition: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire + The Sorrows of Empire: Militarism, Secrecy, and the End of the Republic (The American Empire Project) + Nemesis: The Last Days of the American Republic (American Empire Project)
Price for all three: $33.48

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Editorial Reviews

Review

Blowback is expansive thinking . . . a straight-talking analysis of America’s global conduct during the Cold War and since, and what we’re going to pay for it.” —The Nation

“Johnson is on to something . . . It is indeed a new post–Cold War ballgame, and Johnson’s warning, if it were heeded in Washington, would help keep America safe from the temptation of untrammeled power.” —Newsday

About the Author

Chalmers Johnson, president of the Japan Policy Research Institute, is a frequent contributor to the Los Angeles Times and The Nation. Author of the forthcoming The Sorrows of Empire, and numerous books on Japan and Asia, including MITI and the Japanese Miracle and Japan: Who Governs?, he lives in southern California.

Product Details

  • Paperback: 268 pages
  • Publisher: Holt Paperbacks (January 4, 2004)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 0805075593
  • ISBN-13: 978-0805075595
  • Product Dimensions: 8.2 x 5.4 x 0.8 inches
  • Shipping Weight: 9.6 ounces (View shipping rates and policies)
  • Average Customer Review: 4.0 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (54 customer reviews)
  • Amazon Best Sellers Rank: #45,587 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

More About the Author

Chalmers Johnson, president of the Japan Policy Research Institute, is the author of the bestselling Blowback and The Sorrows of Empire. A frequent contributor to the Los Angeles Times, the London Review of Books, and The Nation, he appeared in the 2005 prizewinning documentary film Why We Fight. He lives near San Diego.

Customer Reviews

This book was a very interesting read. Christy  |  11 reviewers made a similar statement
When I read, I underline unique and insightful observations by the author. C. B Collins Jr.  |  7 reviewers made a similar statement
Most Helpful Customer Reviews
30 of 32 people found the following review helpful
5.0 out of 5 stars Stealth imperialism January 11, 2006
Format:Paperback
In this hard-hitting analysis, Chalmers Johnson explains the goals and the hidden (from its inhabitants) functioning of the US hegemon: an empire based on military power and the use of US capital and markets to force global economic integration on US terms at whatever costs to others.

On the military front, the US population forgot G. Washington's warning: `avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty.'

The US intelligence and military establishment is close to being beyond civilian control and becoming an autonomous system, whose colossal budget with its juicy cost-plus contracts is only controlled by vested ideological and financial interests. This book shows clearly that US presidents, like Carter or Clinton, had not the power to oppose the Pentagon's designs: perpetuate and develop the Cold War structures in order to consolidate its power. The ends justify all means as numerous intelligence or military interventions in the world show, which sponsored dictatorships, genocidal campaigns, war crimes, state terrorism and paramilitary death-squads. 90 % of all US weapons were sold, not to democracies, but to human right abusers.

On the economic front, globalization US style provoked economic disasters in South-Asia and South-America, throwing millions of people into poverty. However the US still urged its `allies' to buy weapons! This kind of globalization, which provoked still more economic inequality, will not be forgotten for a long time (see W. Bello: Dilemmas of Domination.).

By overstretching its financial means (weapon systems are profligate economic waste), the US risks a long lasting downfall of the dollar.

The US and its population need an industrial not a military or intelligence policy, because a new rival hegemon points at the horizon: China, which will be the superpower of the 21st century. China will not be contained. The US will have to adjust to it.

In a world of hypocritical and gagged media, Chalmers Johnson's much needed voice proposes human solutions for the world's problems: `bring most overseas land-based forces home and reorient foreign policy to stress leadership through example, economic aid, international law, multilateral institutions and diplomacy, instead of military intervention, economic bullying or financial manipulation.'

With its surprising comparisons, Chalmers Johnson sent a solid warning to the actual US establishment. A nation reaps what its sows. The blowback could be horrendous.

This book is a must read.
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23 of 25 people found the following review helpful
5.0 out of 5 stars A landmark and masterpiece of foreign policy analysis December 14, 2005
Format:Paperback|Amazon Verified Purchase
Wow, this is a great book. Chalmers Johnson has written a major foreign policy critique that is well documented, well reasoned, and well written. The book deserves more than 5 stars. The next President of the United States, be he/she a Republican or Democrat, would be well advised to read this book.

When I read, I underline unique and insightful observations by the author. In this book, over 85% of the book was underlined when I finished the last page.

I would like to give you just a few of the points that Johnson offers in the book:

Johnson believes that our recent foreign policy has been handled poorly and that in fact our policies are stimulating our enemies around the globe to organize against us. Johnson produces considerable amounts of evidence and analysis to indicate that our foreign policy has come to be dominated by our Department of Defense and the CIA at the expense of the State Department. Though Johnson never brings us the subject, it reminded me of the argument presented in Margaret Tuchman's Guns of August that this happened in World War I, where military actions were taken unilaterally with little diplomacy prior to the war. The generals out-maneuvered the diplomats and was was the result.

Johnson shows careful documentation and analysis to indicate that this faulty foreign policy is a holdover from the Cold War, which the Soviets lost 15 years ago, but which the United States may lose in the future because of our clinging to Cold War military, foreign, and economic policies. This is the actual core of the book and Johnson offers tremedous documentation of how this is true with examples regarding our relationships with Japan, South Korea, North Korea, China, Taiwan, Indonesia, Vietnam, the Phillipines, Singapore, Malysia, Hong Kong, Thailand, and Cambodia. The chapters on Japan, the two Koreas, and China demonstrated some of the most unique and thoughtful and documented analysis that is currently being offered to the general American public.

Blowback is a CIA term for unintended consequences of foreign, military, or clandestine policies. Johnson warns us that unless we awaken to the effects our policies have on the other nations that we will continue to invite contempt and terrorist solutions against us. He further points out that we are in a Blowback period, a post Cold War period, in which we have not yet recovered from Cold War thinking. The power of the US Military is one example. Johnson would even argue that the US Military is barely under the control of the Congress and the President, threatening to dictate national relationships and dynamics independent of the State Department.

An example of fully realized Blowback is when the CIA overthrew Iran's prime minister in 1953 and set up Shan Pahlavi, only to have the Shah eventually overthrown by his people in favor of a Moslem fundamentalistic theocracy. We are still experiencing Blowback from that series of events.

A second example of Blowback that is very recent is the US efforts to train and support Islamic fundamentalists in Afhanistan during the Carter,Reagan, and Bush administrations so as to assist them as they fought the Soviets, only to see these same strategies and weapons turned against us in the 9-11 crisis. He quotes from Brezezinski: What is more important in world history? The Taliban or the collapse of the Soviet empire?" A good argument prior to 9-11, but now increasingly seen that we traded one form of Communist resistance against our Empire for another form of resistance from the world of Islam. Johnson would argue that we have not yet received the blowback for our involvment in Afghanistan where there have now been 1.8 million Afghan casulaties, 2.6 milion refugees,and 10 million unexploded landmines between the Soviet invasion and the 9-11 aftermath that overthrew the Taliban.

In the first edition of the book, President Bill Clinton, Secretary of State Albright and Secretary of Defense Cohen are repeatedly identified for disasterous policies. However, in the second edition, Chalmers Johnson added an updated introduction, where he clearly reveals that President Bush, Vice President Cheney, Secretary of State Powell, NSC Advisor Rice, Defense Secretary Rumsfield, and Assistant Defense Secretary Wolfowitz are just as calamitous if not more so than the previous administration. His critiques go beyond partisan issues and focus on the current schizophernic policies we maintain where we act as one nation trying to live in a happy neighborhood with our other nation neighbors when in fact our policies are the policies of empire. Gore Vidal has long argued that there is no real difference between Democrats and Republicans when it comes to the policies of American Empire building and maintenance, and Chalmers Johnson certainly reveals the evidence and the analysis to support this argument.

In the new Introduction of the book, Johnson points out that the Saudi Royal family is in danger of losing control of their country as part of the pattern of Blwback against US policy that supports this corrupt monarchy so long as they keep the oil pumping for our SUVs. Johnson conducts an analysis of terrorism based on its strategic objectives which usually has a goal of overturning the structures that are viewed as most unjust by converting them to unstable revolutionary situations. However a goal of terrorism is to provoke ruling entities to over-react, the more military the overreaction is in nature, the more potential it has of alienating the masses.

The chapter on Okinawa, an island virtually owned by the US Military, reveals the degree of business advantage we will give the Japanese in order to keep this massive military island. Japan has grown to the be second largest economy in the world through strategic alliance with the USA. Our industrial infrastructure has virtually disappeared while Japan has taken advantage of every trade agreement to keep US products out of Japan. We sacrificed Ford, GM, US Steel, and Republic Steel for Japan's alliance and continued support for our bases on Okinawa.

Our partnership with a corrupt South Korea and our continued misunderstanding of the concerns and dynamics of North Korea has led us to prop up corrupt military puppets in one nation and miss multiple opportunities for dialogue with the North. I was amazed at how the press has collaborated with our military elites to create an image of North Korea that does not account for the concerns and potentials for interaction of the North.

The chapters on China were some of the most fresh analysis of the evolution of the revolution. China has learned lessons from the fall of the Soviet Union and we should expect the markets developing there to be Chinese in nature, not weak copies of US capitalism.

Our relationship with Japan is extremely complex and Johnson certainly does a great job of unraveling this complexity so that the reader sees the high cost of winning the Cold War for the US. The Soviet Union may have lost Poland, but we lost Detroit. Japan was the real winner of the Cold War.

Military power does not constitute Leadership of the World. our poor un-informed American Public continues to think of our nation as benevolent. Yet the simple fact that 70% of our foreign aide goes to Israel for purchase of weapons, while we give 10% to Jordan and 10% to Egypt for not attacking Israel. The final leftover 10% goes to the continuing crises in the Carribean, African, Asia, and Latin America.

We rely on military power and economic manipulation rather than diplomacy, true economic aid, and use of multilateral institutions to exert our leadership.

We won the Cold War, so lets move on, change our militaristic strategies before our military budget sinks our entire nation the way the Soviet military expenditures sunk their empire.

China learned from Gorbachev, don't expect them to go down the same road as the Soviet Union. By 2020 they will have by-passed the United States as the world's largest economy. We are not ready, our head is in the sand, and we have no idea how to deal with the future that is fast rushing toward us. Johnson offers thoughtful strategies but they requrie rethinking our military empire and more willingness to accept monitary policies and interpretations of state managed captialism that our supply-side economists have yet to comprehend.

I can't wait to read another book by Johnson.
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12 of 12 people found the following review helpful
5.0 out of 5 stars Pull Your Head Out or Die With It In The Sand July 16, 2007
Format:Paperback
This book deserves five stars, but I can tell you it's nothing like listening to this man speak in person. As in "Blowback" he lays it all out on the table. Sadly he says, "We just may have gone pass the point of no return." Americans now know that authors like Chalmers Johnson, Norm Chomsky, Webster Griffin Tarpley and Paul Waldman are not just over-educated nay sayers. We know that we're in real trouble, we just don't know what to do about it. If 9/11 proved nothing else, it proved that aircraft carriers, F16's, and smart bombs are useless against terrorists and apathy.

Dr. Johnson summarizes the status quo: "We have a strong civil society that could, in theory, overcome the entrenched interests of the armed forces and the military-industrial complex. At this late date, however, it is difficult to imagine how Congress, much like the Roman senate in the last days of the republic, could be brought back to life and cleansed of its endemic corruption. Failing such a reform, Nemesis, the goddess of retribution and vengeance, the punisher of pride and hubris, waits patiently for her meeting with us."

I am without the education to travel in the circles of the aforementioned authors, but I can in my own way address my fellow blue collar workers... The media has dubbed me one of America's most controversial writers. I think it's because I criticize my own party, the Republican Party, instead of the Democrats. This unorthodox approach of mine gives people the wrong idea about me. I don't hate predators. If there weren't hawks in this country, those in other countries would show up here. Do not misinterpret "Hawk" to mean I approve of George W. Bush and Richard Cheney and their Hermann Goering protégés in the Pentagon. Bush is a mouth and a pen; he's in a different league altogether than his vice president. Cheney is a vulgar, immoral, sadistic subhuman. Does that make me a Libertarian?
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Most Recent Customer Reviews
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