Customer Reviews

Calvin Coolidge

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2 star:		(2)
1 star:		(2)

 

 

As many small "r" republicans and libertarians have noted, Coolidge is truly underrated. Unfortunately this biography will not do overly much to boost his image or reputation.

Mr. Greenberg's political beliefs get in the way of a non-partisan review of Calvin Coolidge. He does not much like his hands off philosophy nor very obviously, his small government/non intereference beliefs. This gets in the way of real examination of the man and his accomplishments. Though he admits to admiring aspects of the man's personal life, he cannot extend that admiration to Coolidge's lack of ambition or vision as president.

From the begining of his national notice as governor of Taxachusetts, Coolidge is portrayed as a man who dithers from indecision rather than a man who refuses to overstep his potical boundaries (police strike of 1919). Greenberg labels Coolidege's propensity to delegate rather than do things himself as weakness rather than sound executive ability.

He does note Coolidge's accomplishments in the use of radio (the new media then)to actually contact the people in lareg numbers. His ability to use the medium let him avoid the Congress and go direct to the people, something few presidents have forgotten since. With this use of radio and regularly scheduled presss conferences, he was the first 'modern' president.

Greenberg's personal political philosophy gets in the way too many times of the process of looking into Coolidge. From the falsehood of tax cuts "costing the Treasury money better spent on infrastructure" (how about what taxpayers would have done with it?) to his deploring of Coolidge's decision to let the ICC languish rather than up its choking of the American railroads (FDR reversed that quickly enough, look at that result),Greenberg fails to keep his personal views from is often a pleasurable read. He does note very astutely that Coolidge was no true laissez faire man but rather on tariffs at least, a traditional Republican out for big protective tariffs.

He does grudgingly though note that Coolidge was a true believer in the limits of political power. It would be this belief that would cause him to declare that he would not run for reelection. As Coolidge himself said, "the office has lost its attraction for me..."

Perhaps its Coolidge's style, concern for the taxpayer, and overall simplicity that many Americans long for. For sure, many of us would love to see someone in office who did not have to pronounce on every event in the nation like our last few decades of leaders have gotten into the habit of doing...

The author is functionally illiterate in economics or at least so blinded by his contemporary liberalism that he ignores the plain reading of US history. While the author considers the prosperity of the 20's the effect of preceeding Wilsonian "investment" (ie deficit spending) he ignores the effect of tax cuts under Harding and Coolidge. Is it just coincident that the economy prospers after the Harding/Coolidge, the Kennedy, the Reagan, and the Bush tax cuts? He also ignores the general productivity enhancements of the automobile, radio, and electricity, all products of private enterprise rather than government intervention

The author is also inconsistent in that he repeatedly notes the broadly rising prosperity of an expanding middle class during the 20's then claims the Great Depression was caused, in part, by income inequalities. Nothing about the huge tax increases of Herbert "Wonder Boy" Hoover and FDR as well as the erroneous policies of the Fed that collapsed the money supply. While the relative stagnation of the farming sector is noted, the author doesn't correlate that with increased yields from tractors, rural electrification, and fertilizer. We just didn't need as many farmers in 1929 as we did in 1919 to feed a growing population.

The stock market bubble is discussed repeatedly too and Coolidge critized for not taking the steps of Federal market intervention that would have surpressed the speculation. Yet the author notes the general opinion that the stock market crash had little to do with the general depression.

The author is on firmer ground covering Coolidge's relationship with and use of mass media, especially radio and photography. Given the author's professorship in media studies at Rutgers, this should not surprise. Unfortunately, he also claims to be a professor of history. If true, woe be our college students!

What saves the book from being a total waste of money is the character sketches of Coolidge and his wife. He does seem a genuinely admirable person. Even the author likes him.

In summary, the book is prime example of the decadence of American academia. So immersed in their own liberal claptrap, how they can cash their taxpayer-funded paychecks is beyond my moral comprehension.

Pstscript: Upon further consideration, I should have given the book two stars instead of just one based on the personality sketches alone. However, I'm not allowed to revise that part of the review.

This particular entry in The American Presidents Series is fairly well-written and engaging. One of the themes the author continually develops about this popular former president is that he was a reserved and intensely private character and as such, his biography is more difficult to write. In spite of this, the author does a pretty good job of covering President Coolidge's life and his impact. Most readers probably already know that Coolidge was famous for being somewhat of a figure of stability and sparse intervention during a time of economic prosperity and political stability (relatively speaking) at home and abroad. He is seen as having presided over the good times while his successor gets much of the blame for the Great Depression that followed. However, most people are probably unaware that this humble, private man who was dedicated to efficiency and integrity was also a groundbreaking president in his use of the media to connect to average Americans. He was one of the first presidents to make use of radio, motion pictures and media interviews on a regular basis in a way that ushered in more modern practices that we are used to seeing nowadays. This is an additional theme to the book and one that makes Coolidge an interesting study in contrasts. The author suggests that Coolidge, who languished for many years in public thought because his brand of trickle-down laissez faire economics became discredited after the advent of the Great Depression, has become more relevant in the last few decades because of the resurgence in popularity of these ideas. In general, the reader of this biography will find a nice balance between the personal story of the rise of this unlikely but popular president and a characterization of the times in which he lived. Not everything about Coolidge and his time in office is presented as being positive but the final verdict is fair and favorable.

the last page. It sums up the Coolidge philosophy. This biography by David Greenberg is chock full of information on a relatively obscure president. He is truly the first modern president. One word: radio. Ironically radio & its skilled use by shy "silent Cal" made his the most accessible presidency up to that time. Mr. Greenberg notes that President Coolidge's voice was heard by more Americans in one radio address than heard Theodore Roosevelt in his entire life. It was a connection he would use expertly & in fact helped him go over the head of congress on several occasions. He was cheap, not verbose & not exposed to much diversity in his life, like most Americans. He never overworked & made sure he got his 10 hours of sleep. I don't know if that included his daily nap. Politically he felt that general interest overrode special interest. Fair enough except he seemed to think that business & cutting their taxes were a general interest & special interest like farmers & flood victims could suffer. A veteran's bonus bill was passed over his veto. Actually his tax cuts helped many & the extra income created a new investor class out of many middle class Americans. His indifference to congress who he felt was merely a collection of special interest resulted in a fairly spotty legislative record. But it didn't matter. Except for slight economic dips in 1924 & '27 he presided in what was called "The Coolidge Prosperity". That his laissez- fair attitude toward business as well as the massive stock purchasing on margin by many new investors is responsible for the stock market crash less than seven months after he left office is open to endless debate. His success in foreign affairs was limited but again that didn't matter. He was perfectly in tune with Americans at that time. He expertly danced around the Harding scandals that were swirling & reveled in American success's such as Lindberg's New York to Paris flight which he was able to exploit. So much info in this book of just 159 pages plus notes. He has his admirers such as Ronald Reagan, & his theory that he who governs least, governs best. Yet four years after he left office, with the country in ruins, FDR was elected & the idea of limited, small federal government was a thing of the past.

After reading all the books I could find in this series, this is the only one that didn't have any new information or smart perceptions of our American Presidents. This was the only author who didn't seem qualified to write a book. His writing might fit better into a political satire or comedy, but the author is not well read enough to cover the accomplishments of the Coolidge Administration. Reagan admired CC's fiscal responsibility and concern for the tax payer. After reading the Calvin Coolidge auto biography I realize that "Silent Cal" had a lot to say, but the propaganda of this book is a waste of time.

The author of this brief bio of Calvin Coolidge, David Greenberg, begins with an interesting quotation (Page 1): ". . .one of the first things [Ronald Reagan] made on entering the White House in January was to take down the portraits of Thomas Jefferson and Harry Truman in the Cabinet Room and put up those of Dwight Eisenhower and Calvin Coolidge." This volume examines Coolidge's life and times and his work as President.

"Silent Cal" was a competent but not very energetic or innovative president, according to this book. He often was rather passive in advancing his initiatives, in many cases not pressing hard when Congress pushed back against him. The term "hands off" as a presidential style seems to fit rather well.

The book begins with his background, as he came from Vermont (born on the 4th of July in 1872). He learned the values of hard work and thrift and came to understand that one did not exalt oneself over others. Characteristics emerging while he was younger (Page 17): "For the rest of his life, Calvin would remain deliberate in his decisions, conservative in his temperament and ideology, and restrained in his personal style."

His rise in the political world as a city council member, with his political taking off in Massachusetts. Over time, he rose to president of the state senate, lieutenant governor, and, finally, to governor. In the 1920 Republican convention, after Warren Harding's nomination, Coolidge ended up as Harding's VEEP candidate. And, with Harding's death, this rather unlikely person was sworn in as President (oddly enough, by his father, whom Calvin was visiting, given the oath by his father, because of his role as a notary public!).

Then, the slim volume begins to examine Coolidge's presidency. At the outset, he had to deal with the emerging scandals from the Harding Administration (such as Teapot Dome). His presidency, according to Greenberg, featured a characteristic style (Page 60): ". . .there was a shortsightedness to Coolidge's preference for letting problems pass--not least because they sometimes didn't. The wait-and-see approach prevented Coolidge from pursuing the kinds of goals that can make presidents great."

Some key features of his presidency. . . . For one, he was the first president to begin to exploit media (whether print or radio). For another, he tended to avoid much regulation or interference from government of the economy. Given the healthy economy during his term and a half in office, voters were pretty happy with his stewardship. His proposed economic policy featured tax cuts, tariff changes, limited regulation on business, and so on. Often, he had to work with a Congress that was not overly sympathetic. Sometimes, he appeared to display apathy in trying to convince Congress to advance his policies.

The book also notes the family tragedy of his son's death. Some researchers (such as Robert Gilbert) believe that this was so devastating that it enhanced his rather passive perspective toward office even more. Greenberg does not necessarily subscribe to that view, as he sees much consistency between his truncated term and his full-term after his election in 1924.

The book finishes by exploring the extent to which Coolidge's policies may have facilitated the financial crash and the Great Depression. Greenberg's analysis makes a fair amount of sense here.

Overall, another good entry in the American Presidents series. . . .

David Greenberg does a nice job of humanizing "Silent Cal". Against the backdrop of the roaring twenties, he brings a quiet but even handed Calvin Coolidge to life. The objective reader will likely find himself at least a modest fan of our only President from Vermont.

Coolidge has become something of a cult figure on the right -- Reagan without the deficits -- a pro business, laissez fair administrator whose policies have largely been blamed by most historians as hastening The Great Depression. Those who cannot defend Reagan anymore now look to the distant past and so distort history and therefore Greenberg's book is a welcome addition to the debate since it is scrupulously non ideological, serious and thorough. Those on the right wing fringe won't like it because it tells the true story, warts and all, and places Coolidge in perspective. But to these dead enders, the truth and the public (and private) record is invariably subordinate to radical ideology. Read the book for yourselves -- and decide.

Near the end of his short biography of Calvin Coolidge (1872 - 1933), David Greenberg quotes novelist Willa Cather's statement that "The world broke in two in 1922 or thereabouts". (Greenberg, p.158) Cather was referring to what she believed was the watershed of the jazz age, with its increase in individualism, the pursuit of wealth or pleasure, and sexual activity. Cather disliked the claimed new jazz age world as did Calvin Coolidge, the president during much of it. Greenberg's study shows how Coolidge was caught between two worlds - the world of the late 19th Century with its emphasis on the work ethic, frugality, religion, and reserve and the world of the 1920s that Coolidge helped create. Greenberg's biography of Coolidge is part of the American Presidents series which has the goal of introducing Americans to our nation's leaders in brief, succinct volumes. Greenberg is a professor of history and media studies at Rutgers University.

Calvin Coolidge was born to modest circumstances in Plymouth Notch, Vermont and learned the 19th Century values of rural New England. Coolidge also soon learned the nature of grief. His mother died when he was in his early teens and his younger sister died five years later. In 1924, during his presidency, Coolidge's 16 year old son died from an infection he caught on the White House lawn.

Following his graduation from Amherst College in 1895 and admission to the Massachusetts Bar, Coolidge held a variety of elected positions in Massachusetts, culminating in the governorship in 1918. Coolidge came to national attention 1n 1919 for his handling of a strike by Boston policemen. He thus ran as the vice-presidential candidate on the ticket headed by Harding. With Harding's death in 1923, Coolidge became the 30th president. He was elected to a term in his own right in 1924 and famously declined to be a candidate for a second term in 1928.

Coolidge was popular during his lifetime, but his reputation plummeted with the Depression and New Deal. President Ronald Reagan was a great admirer of Coolidge. With the passage of time, Coolidge's presidency has been examined afresh.

There sometimes is a tendency to think about the presidents based upon their claimed place on some system of historical rankings. It is also possible to consider each president in his own terms, regardless of rating, to learn what that individual has to teach about the United States and about leadership. This seems to me the better way to approach Coolidge, and Greenberg's book does so effectively.

Greenberg finds Coolidge's accomplishments as president "neither substantial nor enduring. Too many problems left unaddressed, mounted; too many causes languished unpursued. His constricted vision of his office crippled him." (page 14) Greenberg's conclusion remains supported on several counts. Coolidge's basically hands-off approach to the economy and his failure to respond to warning signals helped lead to, although they did not cause, the coming economic woes of the United States. Coolidge pursued an essentially short-term foreign policy whose limited achievements were brushed away by WW II. During Coolidge's presidency, a restrictive immigration bill was enacted. And Coolidge did not speak out aggressively against the Ku Klux Klan which enjoyed a resurgence during the 1920s.

Greenberg also points out that "a president's achievement does not lie merely in the laws and policies he implements." (p. 14) Coolidge had many admirable traits. He brought unquestioned honesty to the White House following the scandals of Harding. Coolidge knew his own limitations, and those of his office. He would have been distressed by the "imperial presidency" of some of his successors. Coolidge inspired trust in the citizenry. He did not engage in scandalous accusations against his political opponents. Coolidge tried to work towards the public good, as he understood it, rather than towards the good of narrow interest groups. In his patriotism, personal religious conviction, and devotion to duty, he tried to bring the values of his youth to bear on an emerging community which saw these values in a different way. Thus, while Coolidge's presidency was not substantively a success, has character and his approach to the office deserve understanding and respect.

Reading the biographies in the American President's series has helped me look for value in the achievements of the widely different people who have held this high office. Many of the assumptions on which Coolidge proceeded, such as his faith in laissez-faire economics, may well be questioned. But his probity, modesty, and commitment to public service remain inspiring. Thinking about Coolidge suggests to me that we need not accept Willa Cather's dictum that "The world broke in two in 1922 or thereabouts." We can try to find and realize the best of both worlds. And then proceed with our current world of the Twenty-First century.

Robin Friedman

There are so few full biographies of Calvin Coolidge that we are often forced to make do with what we can get. This is a perfect example of what I mean. This bio does an excellent job of giving us the highlight of Coolidge's life and does a pretty good job of examining his political career and portraying what happened and when. The author does remind us of Coolidge's many personal quirks and does try to offer some type of psycho-reason for Coolidge's famed sparseness of speech.

Still the biography doesn't venture far beyond the superficial. We aren't really treated to anything new or anything that we haven't already learned about Coolidge. It does seem as though the author warmed over some leftover anecdotes without adding anything new to the mix. I can't say this is his fault because Coolidge may just well be as colorless as we have all thought but it would be nice to see some more detail on him.

Still this is a good read of the man who lead the United States during one of its most storied eras.