In Confronting the Bomb, historian Lawrence S. Wittner provides an abridgement of his massive, award-winning Struggle against the Bomb: A History of the World Nuclear Disarmament Movement trilogy (1993-2003). Based on the records of disarmament organizations, previously secret government documents, interviews with antinuclear activists and government officials, peace movement periodicals, and memoirs, Struggle examines both top down government policies and bottom up citizen activism. It chronicles scores of antinuclear organizations and individuals over six decades of global antinuclear activism. This well-written, persuasively-argued book is a pleasure to read--and it will appeal to general readers and experts alike.
Wittner opens with a central question: "How should we account for the fact that, since 1945, the world had avoided nuclear war?" Furthermore, why have nuclear nations adopted nuclear arms control and disarmament measures? He rejects the conventional interpretation that holds that nuclear weapons have "deterred" nations from waging war. Instead, he argues that a mass nuclear disarmament movement has mobilized millions of people worldwide and has pressured governments to adopt nuclear disarmament agreements. In short, Wittner contends that the antinuclear movement--not "peace through strength"--has saved the world from nuclear Armageddon.
In addition, Wittner challenges U.S. Cold War "triumphalism"--the notion that American
political will and military might, in particular Reagan's enormous arms buildup and military spending, precipitated the Soviet collapse and enabled the United States to win the Cold War. Instead, he credits Gorbachev, along with the antinuclear movement that influenced him, for taking the steps that ended the Cold War. Moreover, he contends that Reagan's military buildup actually encouraged--not discouraged--Soviet militarism. That said, he also notes Reagan's contributions to the 1987 INF Treaty banning intermediate-range nuclear weapons.
Wittner argues that the nuclear disarmament movement--"the largest grassroots struggle in the modern world"--was divided into competing non-aligned and communist-led wings. Aligned with Soviet foreign policy, the communist-led wing, organized around the World Peace Council, had little credibility outside the communist bloc. Conversely, the nonaligned wing, which included pacifists, atomic scientists, world federalists, ordinary citizens, and local, national, and transnational organizations, had a greater impact.
According to Wittner, the movement followed recurring cycles of activism and retreat. When the nuclear menace has been most dangerous, the movement has grown into a more powerful force, curbing the nuclear arms race and deterring nuclear war. When the nuclear threat has subsided, the movement has declined and national security officials have renewed their nuclear plans. Most government officials, he contends, adopted nuclear arms control and disarmament reluctantly--and only in response to popular pressure and resistance. Thus, in Wittner's account, the global antinuclear movement has been the primary agent in nuclear disarmament.
Wittner explains the movement's various victories, from 1963 Partial Test Ban Treaty (the world's first nuclear arms treaty) to the 1996 Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (the last major nuclear arms treaty). By the mid-1990s, however, the movement confronted new challenges. George W. Bush abandoned nuclear restraints, Britain and France considered new nuclear weapons, India and Pakistan became nuclear powers, Iran and pre-2003 Iraq sought to develop nuclear weapons, and North Korea tested long-range ballistic missiles.
In a thoughtful conclusion, Wittner turns to the political implications of his scholarly work. Like many of the antinuclear activists that he has studied, he advocates nuclear abolition and the transformation of the international system. He attributes the continued existence of nuclear weapons to "the pathology of the nation-state system" that relies on the "national security" paradigm and seeks peace through military strength. This traditional approach, Wittner warns, will eventually lead to nuclear war and human destruction. To avoid nuclear Armageddon, Wittner calls for short term and long term goals. In the short term, we must pursue nuclear arms control and disarmament--and the abolition of nuclear weapons. In the long term, we must transform both the nation-state system and international security system by transferring some power from the national to the international level. These goals could be achieved, he asserts, through citizens' movements on the grassroots level and a strengthened United Nations on the global level.
Despite the book's optimistic tone, Wittner closes on an unsettling note. The Bulletin of Atomic Scientists has reset its doomsday clock at 5 minutes to midnight--2 minutes closer to humanity's catastrophic destruction than at the clock's inception in 1947. This ticking clock imbues Wittner's proscriptions with added urgency, instills the world nuclear disarmament movement with continued relevance, and makes this book essential reading.