I am always fascinated by, and perhaps a little envious of, individuals who have achieved great success in one career and branch out to further accomplishment in another. Dr. Harry Goldsmith is a world-renowned surgeon and the author of many medical textbooks and articles on surgery. He is also a medical historian who for decades has studied the health of Presdient Franklin Roosevelt, particularly during the final year of his life. Goldsmith's book, "Conspiracy of Silence" (2007)explains the results of Goldsmith's long study. But the book is almost as valuable for documenting Goldsmith's search for information about Roosevelt's final year and the difficulties he encountered, as it is for his conclusions.
Before he announced his decision to seek a fourth term in 1944, rumors were rampant about Roosevelt's failing health. His personal physician, Admiral Ross McIntyre, assured the nation that Roosevelt was healthy. Dr. McIntyre and others greatly understated the extent of Roosevelt's health problems. Goldsmith's book confirms what other historians have suggested: Roosevelt was dying, and knew he was dying, when he decided to seek a fourth presidential term. He died within 90 days of beginning his fourth term, making the relatively untried Harry Truman the new president.
As a young surgeon, Goldsmith became interested in Roosevelt's health in 1963, upon hearing a lecture by his mentor, Dr George Pack. In his book, Goldsmith describes the many individuals he interviewed over the course of the years to try to find documentary evidence about Roosevelt's health. Goldsmith's efforts led to many blind alleys and to people reluctant to help him, but he persevered. In 1979, Goldsmith published an article titled "Unanswered Mysteries in the Death of Franklin Roosevelt" that documented the results of his owngoing investigation in a highly respected medical journal.
A great deal of Goldsmith's book is about document retrieval. One of the parts of Goldsmith's story that impressed me was his attempt to secure documents from the FBI under the Freedom of Information Act. I have experience with this statute and can understand from his account the frustration he felt. Goldsmith's major discovery, after years of effort, involved a document known as the Lahey memorandum, prepared by a a distinguished physician and founder of the Lahey clinic, Dr Frank Lahey, who had examined Roosevelt in 1944. Goldsmith spent four years in litigation with two highly respected Boston law firms to secure a memorandum Lahey had written regarding his examination of Roosevelt. Ultimately, the Massachusetts Supreme Court ruled in Goldsmith's favor and a photocopy of the memorandum was begrudgingly produced. The Lahey Memorandum, dated July 10, 1944, indicates that Lahey had examined Roosevelt and discussed the results of the examination with the President and with Admiral McIntyre. Lahey advised the president that he was suffering from severe heart failure and that he was highly unlikely to survive a fourth term. He advised the president against seeking a fourth term and, in the event the president chose to disregard this advice, to exercise great care in selecting his vice-president. Goldsmith's tenaciousness in securing this memorandum and making it public was an important accomplishment.
Beyond this valuable result, much of Goldsmith's book is speculative. Goldsmith concludes that Roosevelt believed he had to run, his poor health notwithstanding, to bring WW II to an end and to establish the United Nations. In spite of his health, there is much to be said for Roosevelt's decision. Goldsmith makes much of Roosevelt's poor health for his alleged concessions to Stalin at Yalta. This is a subject that has been explored extensively, of course, and the last word has not been said. But many historians believe that Roosevelt negotiated well and agressively at Yalta. They disagree markedly with the view of the Yalta conference as a sell-out to the Soviets that was advanced by conservative scholars. Goldsmith accepts this latter view without much criticism or evaluation. Thus he is much less firm in discussing the effect of Roosevelt's poor medical condition than he is in establishing the fact of it.
I had the same reaction in reading the second part of Goldsmith's book which deals with the nomination of Truman as vice-president. Roosevelt had picked Harry Wallace as his running mate in 1940 and appears to have wanted him to continue. Wallace, with his liberalism, was unpopular with much of the machinery of the Democratic party. A three-way contest developed between Wallace, James Byrnes, and Truman. As was his wont, Roosevelt sent out conflicting signals which, reading Goldsmith's account, remain highly ambiguous. Goldsmith speculates that Roosevelt had to assume a, for him, surprisingly passive role, because the party bosses threatened to expose to the public the precarious state of his health if Roosevelt insisted on keeping Wallace on the ticket. Goldsmith did not convince me of this.
Roosevelt and Truman were not well acquainted. Truman had an indistinguished first term as a Senator and had not endeared himself to Roosevelt when he had opposed the third term. As a result of political machinations, Goldsmith concludes, in the company of several other historians, Truman secured the nomination. The conclusion would seem to be that Roosevelt was highly lackadaisacal about the vice-presidential choice given his knowledge that his successor would almost surely assume the presidency. But Goldsmith's account left me unconvinced that we have the full story. In addition, as Goldsmith admits, "The historical machinations of Hannegan [chair of the Democratic National Committe, fromm Missouri, and a strong supporter of Truman] and Kelly [mayor of Chicago, where the convention took place] during the convention in 1944 resulted in geopolitical effects that are present to this day. History has shown that Truman was the right man that night in the summer of 1944." (p. 248) The decision to nominate Truman was fortuitous, perhaps, but it was also fortunate as Goldsmith realizes. With hindsight, it is difficult to see how the United States might have fared better upon Roosevelt's death under the presidency of Wallace or Byrnes.
Goldsmith has written an excellent account about his perseverance in locating the Lahey memorandum which does shed significant light upon Roosevelt's health during the last year of his life. In discussing Roosevelt's decision to seek a fourth term, the Truman nomination, and like matters, Goldsmith is on less firm ground, as his information appears incomplete and as he seems to rely unduly on speculation and overly circumstantial evidence.
Robin Friedman
