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The Social Contract, A Discourse on the Origin of Inequality, and A Discourse on Political Economy [Paperback]

Jean-Jacques Rousseau (Author), G. D. H. Cole (Translator)
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1420926977 978-1420926972 January 1, 2006
Jean-Jacques Rousseau writes, "Man is born free; and everywhere he is in chains." This statement exemplifies the main idea behind "The Social Contract", in other words that man is essentially free if it weren't for the oppression of political organizations such as government. Rousseau goes on to lay forth the principles that he deems most important for achieving political right amongst people. Contained within this volume are also two discourses by Jean-Jacques Rousseau. In "A Discourse on the Origin of Inequality" Rousseau examines the causes of the inequalities that exist among men concluding that it is the natural result of the formation of any civilization. In "A Discourse on Political Economy" Rousseau examines the nature of politics and their effect on people. These three works lay a solid foundation for the political philosophy of Rousseau and are a must read for any student of political science or philosophy.

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Product Details

  • Paperback: 148 pages
  • Publisher: Digireads.com (January 1, 2006)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 1420926977
  • ISBN-13: 978-1420926972
  • Product Dimensions: 9 x 6.1 x 0.4 inches
  • Shipping Weight: 1.6 ounces (View shipping rates and policies)
  • Average Customer Review: 5.0 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (1 customer review)
  • Amazon Best Sellers Rank: #690,728 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

 

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3 of 3 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars Essential Philosophy, April 13, 2010
This review is from: The Social Contract, A Discourse on the Origin of Inequality, and A Discourse on Political Economy (Paperback)
This book collects the three most important political writings of Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Discourse on Inequality, Discourse on Political Economy, and On Social Contract. Rousseau is one of the most original and influential philosophers, having a profound effect on everyone and everything from the French Revolution - and, depending on whom you ask, the American - to Marx to Tolstoy. His range was literally encyclopedic, but he is probably best remembered for political writings. Anyone looking to get a good overview of these will do well to start here, as this basically has all of his strictly political work, but anyone wanting a wider overview must look elsewhere.

Discourse on Inequality is one of the most shockingly original writings in the history of thought - so original Samuel Johnson famously argued Rousseau could not have been serious, and many, including admirers, have agreed. Its argument that people are born free and pure only to be corrupted by society flies in the proverbial face not only of philosophy but of civilization itself. It was all the more shocking during the Enlightenment, when society, not least via Rousseau's many fellow philosophers, was more self-congratulatory than ever. His depiction of our fall from grace is spellbinding and hard to put down; those who think philosophy is dry and boring will truly be surprised.

Discourse on Political Economy essentially takes the next step of asking how we can legitimize and improve such a corrupt society. It does not have easy answers but does reject the seemingly obvious one that we return to a primitive state; Rousseau has often been charged with this, but he actually explicitly denies it. This Discourse is far less original but has several salient points and is well-written. It is an important contribution to the question that has dominated Western thought since at least Plato and essential reading for anyone with even the slightest interest in it.

On Social Contract is now considered Rousseau's most important work, and it is easy to see why. He of course did not invent the social contract; Thomas Hobbes' 1651 Leviathan is generally considered its foundation, but elements are visible at least as far back as Plato. It had dominated Western political thought since Hobbes, though, and Rousseau's contribution is one of the most important. He looks at the question more thoroughly and systematically than anyone since Hobbes and, though he admired the latter, comes to almost the opposite conclusion. His arguments for a social contract are strong - nay, near-undeniable - but, more importantly and unlike many, he actually goes into how to implement one in considerable detail. The work is again remarkable for being very well-written. As it is significantly longer than the Discourses, the quality is not as uniform; several chapters, especially those on the Roman republic, are more or less tangential, and there are other weak spots. That said, the vast majority is extremely engaging and generally lucid. One can come away from On Social Contract with an almost spiritually intense belief in its central tenets, and many have; Poland and Corsica both asked Rousseau to propose a constitution, and the French Revolution may well not have happened without him. The book was enormously influential throughout the twentieth century and continues to be. Unfortunately, though, the vaguest parts are precisely those that are the most specific about how Rousseau's social contract can be actualized. His infamous claim that we must be "forced to be free" has long been controversial, as have related statements about the General Will's infallibility, absolute sovereignty, anti-monarchialism, and religion. They are near-paradoxical at times and open to a wide interpretation variety. This is how Rousseau has been able to influence people at opposite ends of the political spectrum. He has been credited or blamed - depending on point of view - for everything from the French Revolution to Hitler and Stalin. His philosophical ties to these last have been near-definitively refuted in recent decades, but the book is such we can see how such misconceptions arose. Near-insurmountable pessimism about his own ideals, including his famous statement that only gods would be fit for a democracy, has also frustrated even his strongest admirers. As with all important controversial books, the key is to form one's own conclusions. Few seminal works have greater potential for viable individual interpretation and general applicability.

This gets to the crux of reading Rousseau; he probably invokes the greatest reaction disparity of all philosophers. One almost literally either loves or hates him. Many have idolized and based their whole lives and philosophies on him; at least as many have done the opposite. Those who value originality and writing qualities like general lucidity and conciseness will likely love Rousseau, as he here excels nearly all philosophers and even many literary writers. However, empiricists and others who value truth and facts above all, as well as those who are eminently practical, may well loathe him. Discourse on Inequality's infamous statement that it will ignore facts because they have no bearing on the issue has appalled many ever since publication. Even so, Rousseau's importance and influence are such that anyone seriously interested in philosophy or political thought must read him. Not everyone will agree, but he has been at least as valuable to dissenters as to advocates, however differently.

In sum, those wanting an essential overview of Rousseau's political writings will be interested in this.
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