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Crisis of the House Divided: An Interpretation of the Issues in the Lincoln-Douglas Debates, 50th Anniversary Edition [Paperback]

Harry V. Jaffa
4.6 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (5 customer reviews)

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Book Description

April 15, 2009 0226391183 978-0226391182 Expanded

Crisis of the House Divided is the standard historiography of the Lincoln-Douglas debates. Harry Jaffa provides the definitive analysis of the political principles that guided Lincoln from his reentry into politics in 1854 through his Senate campaign against Douglas in 1858. To mark the fiftieth anniversary of the original publication, Jaffa has provided a new introduction.

"Crisis of the House Divided has shaped the thought of a generation of Abraham Lincoln and Civil War scholars."—Mark E. Needly, Jr., Civil War History

"An important book about one of the great episodes in the history of the sectional controversy. It breaks new ground and opens a new view of Lincoln's significance as a political thinker."—T. Harry Williams, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences

"A searching and provocative analysis of the issues confronted and the ideas expounded in the great debates. . . . A book which displays such learning and insight that it cannot fail to excite the admiration even of scholars who disagree with its major arguments and conclusions."—D. E. Fehrenbacher, American Historical Review


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Crisis of the House Divided: An Interpretation of the Issues in the Lincoln-Douglas Debates, 50th Anniversary Edition + Lincoln's Tragic Pragmatism: Lincoln, Douglas, and Moral Conflict
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Editorial Reviews

Review

“Four hundred pages of close textual analysis, biography and political philosophy, the book transformed the scholarly understanding of Lincoln, placing the prairie lawyer on a level with Jefferson, Adams, Hamilton, and the other founders.”

(Forbes 20090717)

"A book that will never die--a genuine landmark in American thought. It's the greatest Lincoln book ever. No foolin'."
(Andrew Ferguson )

"One of the most influential works of American history and political philosophy ever published."
(National Review )

About the Author

Harry Jaffa is Henry Salvatori Research Professor of Political Philosophy Emeritus at Claremont McKenna College.


Product Details

  • Paperback: 472 pages
  • Publisher: University Of Chicago Press; Expanded edition (April 15, 2009)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 0226391183
  • ISBN-13: 978-0226391182
  • Product Dimensions: 5 x 1.1 x 8 inches
  • Shipping Weight: 1 pounds (View shipping rates and policies)
  • Average Customer Review: 4.6 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (5 customer reviews)
  • Amazon Best Sellers Rank: #85,189 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

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Most Helpful Customer Reviews
46 of 47 people found the following review helpful
5.0 out of 5 stars A Book That Could Change Your Life September 9, 2009
Format:Paperback
Harry Jaffa's Crisis of the House Divided is a tour de force in Lincoln scholarship. Indeed, it is the best tome on Lincoln that has ever been written -- except, perhaps, for Jaffa's sequel to Crisis, A New Birth of Freedom. Crisis is more than an interpretation of an event in American political history, however, and readers should be forewarned that this is a book that could fundamentally change their way of thinking about politics and ethics. It could even create a kind of crisis of perspective for those readers who accept the predominant easy going relativism of our time, for it is difficult to be easy going about the most important human questions after a confrontation with the author's supreme skill in argumentation, not to mention lucidity and elegance of written expression.
Let me offer one example: It is not uncommon today to hear someone in a debate say, "Well, you have your opinion and I have mine, and who's to say what is right or wrong." As Jaffa shows via Lincoln's responses to Douglas in their debates (which were perhaps a bit more elevated than most contemporary debates), the "who's to say" attempt at concluding an argument is at best vacuous (that is, if it's not even worse -- mere cowardice). When Douglas refused to say what -- human slavery or human freedom -- is right or wrong, Lincoln took him to task, demonstrating that the very meaning of America is grounded in the principles of the Declaration of Independence, which teaches that all men (and women) are created equal, and thus slavery is by nature wrong. Lincoln further taught his fellow citizens that if they were really to take rights seriously, the first thing they had to recognize is that there is no right to do wrong.
This is a perspective on the meaning of human rights that is very different than the one most Americans accept today. What would it mean if we applied this perspective to the most important and controversial issues of our day? What might we learn if we see that in the debate between Lincoln and Douglas over slavery that it is an error of reasoning to think that all opinions (rather than all human beings) are created equal? I believe we would learn very quickly to leave behind the empty relativism and meaningless conception of tolerance that once made us proud to think of ourselves as supremely humane, and instead adopt a spiritedness that emanates from the very core of our humanity.
In Jaffa's book -- and Lincoln's philosophy -- we discover not only an American ethos that needs to be rediscovered if we are not to be a land of virtual slaves, but we are also compelled to come to terms with our own humanity, and what is required to own up to it.
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14 of 14 people found the following review helpful
Format:Paperback
Harry V. Jaffa's "Crisis of the House Divided" is an extremely important book. It is a tour de force in Lincoln scholarship. Indeed, it is the best tome on Lincoln and his views that have ever been written apart from, possibly, Jaffa's sequel to "Crisis of the House Divided", "A New Birth of Freedom."

In it, he succeeds in turning back the pragmatic historians of the mid-twentieth century who sought to undervalue Abraham Lincoln's commitment to the proposal that "All men are created equal." This tide of revisionism took two general forms. One of them were the supporters for the South who placed the full blame on Mr. Lincoln for sparking the "War of Northern Aggression"; and the other were the modern historians who claimed that there were really no substantial policy differences between Mr. Lincoln and Senator Stephen A. Douglas. If the latter class of historian could prove that Lincoln didn't really believe in freedom for slaves and that his rhetoric against slavery was irresponsible, knowing how it offended Southern sensibilities while Douglas' "Popular Sovereignty" policy would have eventually led to the limitation and elimination of slavery, then Lincoln's legacy as President could be shown to be the largely accidental.

Fortunately, Jaffa's work annihilates the eroding contentions of the revisionists and showing, beyond any doubt, that Mr. Lincoln believed America was founded on the principle of human equality as much as it was founded on the idea of democracy. That democracy and equality were the twin pillars of the American Republic and were in tension was something Mr. Lincoln well understood while Judge Douglas honored only democracy. Hence, Douglas' "Popular Sovereignty" led to the concept that the majority could decide slavery was not only legal, but also moral. In opposition, Mr. Lincoln argued that a majority did not have the right to sanction the enslavement of other men, regardless of their alleged inferiority, because "All men are created equal." Jaffa shows that Mr. Lincoln built upon the Founding Fathers' thoughts in the Declaration of Independence and urged their maturation towards the ideal. Lincoln saw how the Founding Fathers' invoked desire, hatred and vengeance in support of the cause of freedom from Britain but how these passions were no longer adequate to the task of preserving the Union from the dangers that were made more immediate by the revolutionary birth of America and the tendency of unrestrained democracy to sneering the rule of law. Instead, Lincoln recommended virtuous reason to lift the United States up, to show the world that it was truly capable of lasting self-governance. Of course, the keystone of this reason was the thinking through in the body politic, the practical consequences of the principle, "All men are created equal."

The book is a very challenging and a tremendous read. The issue of permitting slavery in territories became and remained contentious from 1820 onwards. The arguments for and against slavery in territories are quite subtle involving constitutionality, Congressional acts, territorial legislative bodies, and court decisions. The Dred Scott decision in 1857 disallowing restrictions on taking property (slaves) into territories was examined. Lincoln and the Republicans, rightfully so, were very apprehensive as to the long term ramifications of that decision. Jaffa's work on "The Crisis of the House Divided" is amazing. The breakdown of the very essence of what the debates were about is made crystal clear. Elegant arguments is made for the views held by Lincoln and Douglas regarding the issue of slavery and the very nature of what the American Republic's ideals and virtues are: freedom for all.

Personally, I have never read a book that so clearly and intelligently presents the differing views on the nature of freedom. In this book -- and Lincoln's philosophy - the readers discover not only an American ethos that needs to be rediscovered, defended and lived for. This book, decades after its publication, cannot be ignored for understanding Lincoln and the slavery issue around the American Civil War period. It is a must read for all those who are political science, history or law students.
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Format:Paperback
Professor Harry V. Jaffa's "Crisis of the House Divided" is an extremely important book. In it, he succeeds in turning back the revisionist historians of the mid-Twentieth Century who sought to devalue Abraham Lincoln's commitment to the proposition that "All men are created equal."

This tide of revisionism took two general forms; partisans for the South who placed the full blame on Mr. Lincoln for sparking the "War of Northern Aggression"; and modern historians, skeptical of any higher motives and virtues in statesmen of the past, who claimed that there were really no substantial policy differences between Mr. Lincoln and Senator Stephen A. Douglas. If the latter class of historian could prove that Lincoln didn't really believe in freedom for slaves and that his rhetoric against slavery was irresponsible (knowing how it offended Southern sensibilities) while Douglas' "Popular Sovereignty" policy would have eventually led to the limitation and elimination of slavery, then Lincoln's legacy as President could be shown to be the largely accidental.

Fortunately, Professor Jaffa's work demolishes the corrosive contentions of the revisionists, showing, beyond any doubt, that Mr. Lincoln believed America was founded on the principle of human equality as much as it was founded on the idea of democracy. That democracy and equality were the twin pillars of the American Republic and were in tension was something Mr. Lincoln well understood while Judge Douglas honored only democracy. Hence, Douglas' "Popular Sovereignty" led to the concept that the majority could decide slavery was not only legal, but also moral. In opposition, Mr. Lincoln argued that a majority did not have the right to sanction the enslavement of other men, regardless of their alleged inferiority, because "All men are created equal."

Professor Jaffa shows that Mr. Lincoln built upon the Founders' thoughts in the Declaration of Independence and urged their maturation towards the ideal. Lincoln saw how the Founders invoked passion, hatred and revenge in support of the cause of independence from Britain but how these passions were no longer adequate to the task of preserving the Union from the dangers of mobocracy or dictatorship - dangers made more immediate by the revolutionary birth of America and the tendency of unrestrained democracy to disdainful the rule of law. Instead, Lincoln recommended virtuous reason to lift the United States up, to show the world that it was truly capable of lasting self-governance. Of course, the cornerstone of this reason was the thinking through in the body politic, the practical consequences of the principle, "All men are created equal."

Professor Jaffa's book is a gift to America and the world. Were more people in office aware of the fundamental issues debated by Judge Douglas and Mr. Lincoln in 1858 during their remarkable campaign for the Illinois Senate, and their implications for policies even today, our nation would be stronger and our democracy more secure.

Reviewer: Chuck DeVore is Vice President of Policy at the Texas Public Policy Foundation. He served in the California State Assemblyman from 2004 to 2010. Before his election, he was an executive in the aerospace industry. He was a Special Assistant for Foreign Affairs in the Department of Defense from 1986 to 1988. He is a lieutenant colonel in the U.S. Army (retired) Reserve. DeVore is the co-author of "China Attacks."
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