Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., first revealed the sequences that governed American politics over the past two centuries in The Cycles of American History. In this updated edition, the prominent political historian continues to reflect on the "recurring struggle between pragmatism and idealism in the American soul" (Time). Faced with a new century, a new millennium, and social and technological revolutions, Schlesinger confronts the possibility of a revolution in American political cycles.
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From Library Journal
Schlesinger, a wide-ranging historian and political activist, considers topics such as the Cold War, political parties, the presidency, and many broader philosophical issues. Never one to soft-peddle his opinions, Schlesinger confronts scholars and politicians on the left and right who, he believes, bend history to their own ideological ends. Much of what appears in these essays has been published in various articles over the past generation during which the author was a leading proponent of a centrist approach to politics and foreign policy. To his credit, Schlesinger makes clear that his perspective has been altered somewhat by the passing years. Nonetheless, while he amends some of his more strident earlier opinions, he never apologizes for them. Even those who find his tub-thumping for Roosevelt and Kennedy a bit outdated will enjoy his sprightly style and incisive wit. Charles K. Piehl, Director of Grants and Sponsored Progs., Mankato State Univ., Minn.
Copyright 1986 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
Copyright 1986 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
Review
"First-rate history mixed with a strong sense of public service . . . an excellent and provocative primer on the challenges surrounding the contemporary American political setting." Christian Science Monitor
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6 of 6 people found the following review helpful
Format:Paperback
Written in the midst of the Reagan Administration, with an updated Foreword about 10 years ago, this book is a great read in 2009 because Schlesinger was right on the money (taking 9/11 into account which he couldn't have foreseen...) about when the swing in the American polity would take place from right to, well, I really can't call it left, at least not yet, so let's say from right to center.
Schlesinger dissects patterns of political shift right to center or center left throughout American History that follows a generational pattern. Schelesinger relates the shifts as more of the original argument between Federalists and State's Righters - which is the only "pattern" that seems to have gone off on a tangent in recent years, as the right has become more internationalist/interventionist. It remains to be seen whether the Democrats take us into isolationism or just a more moderate internationalism than that of the right. (If the Democrats take us to isolationism, then that would complete a reshuffling of party stands on a major issue, one that would present historical problems that Schlesinger did not foresee).
But for the most part, this detailed, thoroughly researched study is not only a very intereting piece of historical analysis, but entertaining as well simply because we have the luxury to look back 30 years now and see how amazing close Schlesinger was!
Well worth your time!
Schlesinger dissects patterns of political shift right to center or center left throughout American History that follows a generational pattern. Schelesinger relates the shifts as more of the original argument between Federalists and State's Righters - which is the only "pattern" that seems to have gone off on a tangent in recent years, as the right has become more internationalist/interventionist. It remains to be seen whether the Democrats take us into isolationism or just a more moderate internationalism than that of the right. (If the Democrats take us to isolationism, then that would complete a reshuffling of party stands on a major issue, one that would present historical problems that Schlesinger did not foresee).
But for the most part, this detailed, thoroughly researched study is not only a very intereting piece of historical analysis, but entertaining as well simply because we have the luxury to look back 30 years now and see how amazing close Schlesinger was!
Well worth your time!
1 of 1 people found the following review helpful
By Tom K.
Format:Paperback
Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. compiled a book of 14 essays on American politics in 1986. With 25 years of hindsight, this book displays the promise and limitations of twentieth century liberalism. The author asks pertinent questions, evaluates historical evidence and provides solid basic solutions. He is better at undercutting both the Marxist left and the apologists for powerful interests on the right, than he is in making a compelling case for the wisdom of the center-left. There are some detours into arcane academic detail, unwarranted assertions and many diatribes about the inadequacy, inconsistency and immorality of the Reagan revolution. This book is worthy of current interest because the country remains at a crossroads, with a deep ideological division and few glimmers of "hope and change". Schlesinger believed in the "great man" theory of history where individuals have the opportunity and obligation to serve society as it struggles with self-interest, ignorance, apathy and change.
The U.S. was founded by pragmatic men who saw republican democracy as an experiment that might work, if the structure was adequate and leadership was applied. America as an ideal state, governed by providence, was a later development, often misused by politicians.
There are 15-20 year cycles between innovation and conservatism, democracy and capitalism, public and private interests. In a democracy, the public has infinite wants and fluctuates between two sets of stories which might best deliver.
Foreign policy is most effective when it is pragmatic, reflecting the real interests of the nation. Public morality is different than private morality. The state represents the varied interests of its citizens and seeks preservation first. Purely moralistic or ideological approaches are impractical, ineffective and can lead to authoritarian excess or needless war.
The Human Rights movement supporting personal integrity, vital needs and civil liberties gained traction under President Carter, and has had a surprisingly positive impact on global expectations and many governments, in spite of its moralizing character and misuse by governments and global organizations.
The U.S. is inherently an isolationist nation, not an imperial power. The Marxist view of corporate expansionism is false in the US experience. Limited continental expansion was due to domestic politics and dominant military power. Sporadic international expansion was driven by competition with European powers and Western hemisphere interests. The cold war was driven by special historical circumstances and the military establishment created for WWII.
The Cold War was inevitable. The Soviet Union's history, ideology, state control and wartime experience positioned it to build a sphere of influence and perceive U.S. actions in negative terms. The U.S. could not accept a large Soviet sphere of influence after its wartime experience. FDR did not live long enough to creatively resolve these conflicting perspectives.
National government has a beneficial role in modern society: protecting the powerless, ensuring opportunity, moderating business cycles, limiting private interests, preventing revolution, and incorporating a social conscience. The people support these roles, but the pendulum swings back to smaller government because of overreach, misuse and abuse by politicians, special and bureaucratic interests. Moneyed interests once embraced government partnerships, but overreached, turning to the laissez faire strategy. Government investment in infrastructure and programs have benefited business through increased productivity and reduced business cycles.
American political parties have lost their historical functions. The mass media, civil service, campaign financing, polling, individual leaders and special interests have undermined their functions. Parties once provided a mechanism that allowed the national legislative and executive branches to overcome the separation of powers.
The American presidency was designed to have modest independent powers. The assumption of war powers by Truman and subsequent use of national security interest as a rationale for covert domestic and foreign operations have created the imperial presidency. Attempts by congress to rebalance were overcome by Reagan.
The office of Vice President was designed to be unimportant and met that expectation for almost two centuries. The 25th amendment formalized the order of presidential succession. Presidential selection in a weak party era, cabinet meeting participation, budgetary support, congressional liaison and political hatchet roles together with media coverage have elevated the VP's role as a natural presidential candidate, despite its continued minimal role.
Presidential reputations change with the cycles of public and private interest. Schlesinger undercuts the resurrection of Hoover, begrudgingly acknowledges some of Eisenhower's talents while highlighting his shortcomings, and praises Kennedy.
Schlesinger concludes that "democracy will stand or fall on the quality of its leadership". He criticizes historical determinism, even while writing a book on political cycles. He dismisses structural reforms while promoting the value of the founders' structure and claiming the mantle of constitutional conservative. He explains that "Democratic leadership is the art of fostering and managing innovation in the service of a free community". This is a difficult role, requiring virtue, talents, innovation, judgment, persistence and persuasion. Leaders must overcome the debasement of words by demagogues and marketers, using speech to educate the people. The author shares the Greek story of Prometheus fighting the gods to defend free will, but chained and tortured afterward. Between the lines, I heard a plea for the return of Plato's class of wise men as the best rulers.
The U.S. was founded by pragmatic men who saw republican democracy as an experiment that might work, if the structure was adequate and leadership was applied. America as an ideal state, governed by providence, was a later development, often misused by politicians.
There are 15-20 year cycles between innovation and conservatism, democracy and capitalism, public and private interests. In a democracy, the public has infinite wants and fluctuates between two sets of stories which might best deliver.
Foreign policy is most effective when it is pragmatic, reflecting the real interests of the nation. Public morality is different than private morality. The state represents the varied interests of its citizens and seeks preservation first. Purely moralistic or ideological approaches are impractical, ineffective and can lead to authoritarian excess or needless war.
The Human Rights movement supporting personal integrity, vital needs and civil liberties gained traction under President Carter, and has had a surprisingly positive impact on global expectations and many governments, in spite of its moralizing character and misuse by governments and global organizations.
The U.S. is inherently an isolationist nation, not an imperial power. The Marxist view of corporate expansionism is false in the US experience. Limited continental expansion was due to domestic politics and dominant military power. Sporadic international expansion was driven by competition with European powers and Western hemisphere interests. The cold war was driven by special historical circumstances and the military establishment created for WWII.
The Cold War was inevitable. The Soviet Union's history, ideology, state control and wartime experience positioned it to build a sphere of influence and perceive U.S. actions in negative terms. The U.S. could not accept a large Soviet sphere of influence after its wartime experience. FDR did not live long enough to creatively resolve these conflicting perspectives.
National government has a beneficial role in modern society: protecting the powerless, ensuring opportunity, moderating business cycles, limiting private interests, preventing revolution, and incorporating a social conscience. The people support these roles, but the pendulum swings back to smaller government because of overreach, misuse and abuse by politicians, special and bureaucratic interests. Moneyed interests once embraced government partnerships, but overreached, turning to the laissez faire strategy. Government investment in infrastructure and programs have benefited business through increased productivity and reduced business cycles.
American political parties have lost their historical functions. The mass media, civil service, campaign financing, polling, individual leaders and special interests have undermined their functions. Parties once provided a mechanism that allowed the national legislative and executive branches to overcome the separation of powers.
The American presidency was designed to have modest independent powers. The assumption of war powers by Truman and subsequent use of national security interest as a rationale for covert domestic and foreign operations have created the imperial presidency. Attempts by congress to rebalance were overcome by Reagan.
The office of Vice President was designed to be unimportant and met that expectation for almost two centuries. The 25th amendment formalized the order of presidential succession. Presidential selection in a weak party era, cabinet meeting participation, budgetary support, congressional liaison and political hatchet roles together with media coverage have elevated the VP's role as a natural presidential candidate, despite its continued minimal role.
Presidential reputations change with the cycles of public and private interest. Schlesinger undercuts the resurrection of Hoover, begrudgingly acknowledges some of Eisenhower's talents while highlighting his shortcomings, and praises Kennedy.
Schlesinger concludes that "democracy will stand or fall on the quality of its leadership". He criticizes historical determinism, even while writing a book on political cycles. He dismisses structural reforms while promoting the value of the founders' structure and claiming the mantle of constitutional conservative. He explains that "Democratic leadership is the art of fostering and managing innovation in the service of a free community". This is a difficult role, requiring virtue, talents, innovation, judgment, persistence and persuasion. Leaders must overcome the debasement of words by demagogues and marketers, using speech to educate the people. The author shares the Greek story of Prometheus fighting the gods to defend free will, but chained and tortured afterward. Between the lines, I heard a plea for the return of Plato's class of wise men as the best rulers.
17 of 54 people found the following review helpful
By A Customer
Format:Paperback
This novel is yet another classic by Schlesinger. I enjoyed it emmensly for a variety of reasons. First, Schlesinger makes his novel appeling to both the avid history fan, student of history, and teacher of history, thus allowing everyone to understand his work. Furthermore, Schlesinger explains his work in using his every present political shrewdness aswell as dry wit. This is a refreshing change from the dry unending style of many historians. The major points explained in this work are the cycling of American politics and its effects on the past, present, and future. This gives it an even more universal quality which even students of politics can appreciate.
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- The Hero's Journey Toward a Second American Century: by Michael E. Salla on 5 pages
- America's Crisis of Values: Reality and Perception by Wayne E. Baker on 4 pages
- Everybody Is Sitting on the Curb: How and Why America's Heroes Disappeared by Alan Edelstein in Back Matter (1), Back Matter (2), and Back Matter (3)
- The Defining Moment: FDR's Hundred Days and the Triumph of Hope by Jonathan Alter on page 183, Back Matter (1), and Back Matter (2)
- The 1996 Presidential Campaign: A Communication Perspective (Praeger Series in Political Communication) by Robert E. Denton Jr. on page 125, page 141, and Back Matter
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