Customer Reviews

Democratization And The Islamist Challenge In The Arab World (State, Cluture, & Society in Arab North Africa)

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"This volume is a welcome addition and a valuable contribution to the burgeoning literature on the relationship between political Islam and democracy...This book is full of insights and is noteworthy as much for its analysis of democratization in the Arab world as for its treatment of Islamic resurgence," (Abdallah M. Battah, 1998, Middle East Journal book reviews, pg 461-462).

"(The book)...is a compact, lucidly written study of the interaction between political Islam and democratic reform in the Arab world. This makes it a valuable work to place in the hands of students, journalists and polity-makers," (Maen F. al-Nsour, August 1998, International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 30, No. 3 pg. 442-444).

"Readers with a conceptual interest in democratization, state-society relations, social identity, or the relationship between Islam and politics will appreciate the intriguing theoretical application to a region that has too often been discounted or ignored in these literatures," (Paul D. Hoyt, 1998, Mershon International Studies Review, Vol. 42, pg. 173-176).

"A useful volume for specialists on political Islamism and democratization upper-division undergraduates through faculty" (R. H. Dekmejian, November 1997, Choice)

Najib Ghadbian's well-written book, Democratization and the Islamic Challenge in the Arab World provides an in-depth look into the conflict between Arab governments jealously guarding power and Islamist movements who are imagined to destabilize the states monopoly on power if included into the political process. Ghadbian eloquently navigates this complicated issue and provides a convincing analysis of the complex and often varying relationships between various Islamist movements, state liberalization and democratization. The main thesis of the book centers on the stalling of democratization by Arab governments through the denial of political inclusion to Islamist groups. He provides case studies of states where Islamist movements have been allowed into the political arena (e.g. Jordan and Kuwait) and states where they have been denied (e.g. Egypt, Algeria, Tunisia and Syria).

Najib Ghadbian sees the impact of the solidification of Islam within the collective consciousness of the region as determining the political route for the region. Ghadbian argues that political Islam is a primary factor in the socialization and indoctrination of the Arab world. Therefore, its inclusion into the political sphere is preferable as state-cooptation forces the moderation of extremist tendencies within the Islamist groups. This inclusion, most importantly, would also bolster the political legitimacy of the ruling governments curing the "crisis of legitimacy" within these states and halting the cycle of violence and oppression necessary to restrain the Islamist movements.

This book covers the time frame from the mid-1980's through the 1990's and also including a complete overview of the historical background. It begins with the weakening of state ability to "buy" or force acquiescence because of the waning of the oil boom and its economic repercussions throughout the region. The book includes four parts that consist of seven chapters in total. Part one covers the historical and theoretical background of the study. Part two gives an analysis of Islamist movements, including their agendas and views on democracy. Part three provides the case studies and part four provides conclusions and future prospects.

Najib Ghadbian's arguments are able to greatly weaken the patronizing historical viewpoint that the Arab peoples lack "readiness" for democracy and the simplistic opinion that Islam is not compatible with democracy. These are currently espoused to justify support of autocratic regimes that stall democratic liberalization measures. His portrayal of the inclusion of Islamist movements as an integral and beneficial part of the democratization process rightly rejects these viewpoints.

Ghadbian correctly notes the diverse array of Islamist movements as varying from moderate to more extremist. He properly portrays the majority of Islamist movements as neither innately violent nor opposed to democracy. Scholars of Arab nations, political Islamism, opposition movements, etc. now accept the broadened view of these movements as more nuanced and complex. This broadened viewpoint assists as a means of understanding the elements of the region. This method of understanding is more fruitful than the polarization that is often apparent in neo-realist "scholarship". Ghadbian takes a closer look at Islamist movements and in doing so, shows a sharp contrast to the faulty black/white dichotomy utilized by those with a weaker understanding of the region.

Najib Ghadbian's book broadens the literature on democratization by his through application of these theories to the Middle East, a region too often ignored or even discounted without just cause in the literature. This book is beneficial not only to scholars and students, but also to policymakers whose understanding of the region requires the in-depth analysis that this author provides.

Does Islamism encourage democracy or not? Ghadbian (a researcher at the dynamic new Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research in Abu Dhabi) argues that Islamism contains two strains, one favoring democracy and the other against it. The former he associates with moderates, the latter with radicals. Holding that moderates are far more numerous and powerful than radicals, he rues that we in the West seem blind this fact: "the antidemocracy view has come to be seen as the Islamist norm while the views of the majority of Islamists appear exceptional." He includes in the moderate camp such figures as the Egyptians Hasan al-Banna and Sayyid Qutb.

It's a neat and alluring distinction, but unfortunately one without validity. Ghadbian draws a pleasant picture of "moderates" that has no connection to reality. For example, he states that their having suffered miserably at the hands of despots, "has made resistance to authoritarianism a strong component of the Islamist subculture. . . . Those who suffered prison terms became especially aware of the dangers of human rights abuses." Sounds good, but tell that to the thousands of political prisoners currently languishing in Iranian jails. Ghadbian mentions Hasan at-Turabi, Sudan's strongman, as someone who speaks of "the congruity between Islamic principles and democracy." But what good does this do when his regime rules barbarically and has only the trappings of democracy? No, there are no "moderate" Islamists, only deluded analysts who try to convince of their existence.

Middle East Quarterly, Sept 1997

The author is extremely ignorant in forgetting how those "democratic' governments are often oppressive foriegn controlled puppets that blame Islam for their own screw ups