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14 of 16 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
Imperialism and ideology, March 30, 2005
This is a very insightful account of American history in the chord of imperial expansion, telling the story that doesn't quite appear in standard accounts. We are so habituated to the American narrative that we forget the terrible legacy of expansionism, and its endless betrayals and ethnic cleansing. One useful feature of the account is to start in the sixteenth century, and show the change that came over the relations of settlers and Native Indians. A further key is to include the complexities of the Seven Years War to that of the American Revolution, showing their direct connection (the same for the Mexican-American War and the Civil War). The story of William Penn and his pacifism and good relations with the Indians is like a forgotten echo, and, as with this case, it is important to see how much of our history is a story of the defeat of good intentions as the lowest common denominator of imperial conquest seems to take over. The case of Penn and Pennsylvannia is a reminder of what might/should/could have been, leaving no excuse for the teleological fallacies of the great American narrative.
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11 of 13 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
A readable and very important book, August 1, 2005
As is well known, American leaders tend to justify wars by explaining them as operations in defense of liberty and democracy. This important book examines that notion through the impact of several historically key men on North America.
They include Samuel de Champlain, whose missionizing and choosing up sides in various Indian wars set the stage for "the most widespread and destructive warfare in North American history"; William Penn, whose sincere efforts to coexist peacefully with the Indians degenerated into the unapologetic expansionism of his heirs; George Washington, who foresaw so many of the dangers of military intervention abroad; the tempestuous and bullying Andrew Jackson, who owned slaves, relocated thousands of Indians west of the Mississippi, and set the stage for ongoing wars of conquest in the name of freedom and liberty (and who had the gall to argue that relocating the Indians was "not only liberal, but generous"); Ulysses Grant, reluctant participant in the land-grabbing war with Mexico, a man who clearly understood that such aggressive moves always bring punishing consequences; the grandstanding Douglas MacArthur, aging momma's boy and self-appointed missionary of Christianity and liberty, finally relieved of command by Truman for suggesting that the United States nuke China; and Colin Powell, whose highly distinguished military career ran parallel with a habit of doing what he was told while silencing his doubts--doubts that nearly always turned out to be realistically based. "I had been conditioned to believe in the wisdom of my superiors...."
The authors of this book tell a balanced tale without heavy-handed recourse to the lessons unlearned from history, but the lessons stand out anyway: the conquest of the Phillipines, for example, so many of whose citizens died in the American attempt to liberate them in a bloody, exhausting campaign that only ended when the occupation did. Concentration camps and torture inflicted by MacArthur's soldiers stained these attempts to mold a nation's fate from above, as did Roosevelt's propagandistic declaration that the insurrection was over (July 4, 1902) when in fact it would not end for many years.
A poignant event might well give food for thought: Woodrow Wilson's 1916 draft of a speech to Congress, which stated that "it shall not lie with American people to dictate to another people what their government shall be or what use they shall have or what persons they shall encourage or favor." Reviewing the speech, Secretary of State Robert Lansing wrote: "Haiti, S. Domingo, Nicaragua, Panama" in the margin by way of comment (he might have added Cuba, Mexico, and the Phillipines), whereupon Wilson gave up on the speech, a decision that may well mark a significant difference between the politics of his time and our own.
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19 of 24 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
An interesting thesis, January 6, 2005
Anderson and Cayton make the controversial thesis that Americans use the themes of liberty and freedom for their own expansionist aims. The first two chapters of the book, the authors describe how the European powers cooperated with the Native Americans in order to acheive their aims. But after the Seven Years War, the colonists viewed British cooperation with natives as impeding their drive westward. During the Revolutionary War, Americans ethnically cleansed thousands of Native Americans in order to defend their individual rights to expand westward. George Washington tried tired to slowly assimilate Native Americans to embrace ideas of freedom and democracy, but his plans fell apart due to the violent actions by Scotch-Irish settlers and later by Andrew Jackson's policies in the western borderlands. Grant tried to implement Washington's program after the Civil War, but did nothing to prevent the expulsion of the Native Americans from their lands. The same policies that Washington and Grant used on the Native Americans expanded to the Phillippines and Cuba in which the interests of these citizens were subordinated to the wishes of the United States. MacArthur followed similiar actions in his dealings with the Japanese after the Second World War in which he repressed some Japanese publications because they were against the interests of the United States. The main weakness of this book is that the first two chapters of the book does not flow with the remaining chapters and that the authors don't compare the American empire with its European counterparts in the nineteenth century. Otherwise this book strongly disputes writings by the likes of William Kristol on the right, and Samantha Powers on the left, that advocate the use of American military force in order to spread individual freedom.
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