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Earthly Powers: The Clash of Religion and Politics in Europe, from the French Revolution to the Great War

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While doing his research on the Third Reich, British historian Michael Brurleigh became interested in the religious character of totalitarianism. In "Earthly Powers," he traces the history of European secularization from the French Revolution to the First World War. He finds that the 19th century march toward secularization was not as inexorable as legend would have it. Indeed, Europeans were very ambivalent about secularization. The totalitarianisms of the 20th century - Fascism, Nazism, and Communism - made use of many of the rituals of established religions. They used festivals, spectacles, monuments, statues, loyalty oaths, and so forth to satisfy the religious impulse in societies in which religion had been banished.

In his account of the French Revolution, Burleigh shows how the Jacobin suppression of the church led to the cult of nationalism that followed. The Jacobins were not opposed to religion per se, they were opposed specifically to the Catholic Church for being partner in the throne-and-altar tyranny. They did see the need for a civil religion to garner loyalty to the state. In the process they established various cults and rituals that mimiced religious ceremonies. The Jacobins were the precursors of Hitler, Stalin, and Mussolini.

The French Revolution, according to Burleigh, secularized religion. Religion went from "world-transcendent" to "world-immanent," a distinction he borrows from Eric Voegelin, an early 20th century Austrian writer who had written a book called "The Political Religions." The new "creed" was no longer other-worldly, it was the nation-state, and the new god was no longer God, it was the new secular leader.

Burleigh pulls together many historical strands showing how both Protestants and Catholics negotiated the uneasy relationship between church and state throughout the 19th century. He gives a fascinating account of how secular forces in France's Third Republic and Bismark's Germany tried to eradicate religion from their educational systems. At the same time, he shows how O'Connell of Young Ireland and Mazzini of Young Italy used religious imagery to attract followers to their respective nationlist causes. And he goes on to show how utopian thinkers such as Saint Simon, Fourier, Comte, and Marx - to mention the most obvious - were actually prophets of political religions.

The interplay between politics and religion is particulary relevant to our current age. Although it is safe to say that the Europeans have put the religious impulse, political or otherwise, to rest after the totalitarianisms of the 20th century; they now firmly belong to the secular camp, in the traditional sense of the term. However, since the Iranian Revolution of 1979, Islam is rapidly becaming the toxic brew of religion and politics in our time, not only in the Middle East but in the West as well. Volumes have already been written about the Islamic threat in Europe, and as this book reminds us, it should not be taken lightly.

This book is extensively researched and very well-written. I look forward to the projected sequel "Sacred Causes," dealing with the political religions of the 1920's and 30's.

The starting point for this book lies in Burleigh's prior work on the Third Reich. In his admirable history of the Third Reich, Burleigh stressed that the phenomenon of Nazism could only be understood by seeing it as a 'political religion', a form of faith with structural features similar to religion with the state and certain secular ideals as the subject of worship. This is hardly a new idea, and as Burleigh acknowledges in the introduction to Earthly Powers, it is one that has been explored previously by a number of scholars. In Earthly Powers, Burleigh set out to explore the phenomena of political religions in the "long 19th century", the period from the outbreak of the French Revolution to WWI. Again, Burleigh isn't doing anything particularly novel. The idea that a variety of ideologies - socialism in its various forms, nationalisms, the Victorian idea of Progress, etc. - had structural features and excited faithful adherents like traditional religions, is hardly new. Burleigh is attempting a work of synthesis drawing on an extensive secondary literature on this topic. At the same time, Burleigh discusses also how traditional religous institutions, notably the Papacy, the Anglican Church, and some other religous movements, responded to what amounted to competition from secular ideologies, and also to the enormous challenges imposed by social change and industrialization during the 19th century. He wishes also to explore the ups and downs of the relation between church and state. This is an extremely ambitious project and Burleigh is only partially successful.

As a work of synthesis and analysis, this book is a failure. While some of Burleigh's individual descriptions of 'political religions' are very good and often insightful, the book lacks structure and he never really develops a consistent thematic exposition. He begins with chapters on the French Revolution and the ensuing period of reaction but this roughly chronological approach is followed by a series of chapters that aren't exactly chronological in orientation, move from nation to nation, and from topic to topic without much structure. Was there any pattern to the emergence of 'political religions?' Why did some ideas do better than others? Why were nationalist ideas relatively successful? Is there a historical evolution in these alternative faiths over the course of the century? If so, why? Some historians, such as Carl Schorske (see his work on Vienna) and George Dangerfield (see his The Strange Death of Liberal England) see marked changes over the last quarter of the 19th century. Is this correct? If so, why?

Much of the book is description, as opposed to analysis. Different sections of the book are uneven in quality, probably a function of which secondary sources Burleigh has relied on to construct those sections. He has a nice, albeit standard, discussion of the French Revolution which apparently draws on the excellent writings of William Doyle. In other sections, Burleigh makes some missteps. For example, he makes fun of the French Third Republic's emphasis on primary education. But, the founders of the Third Republic were doing more than exhibiting naive faith in the power of education. They could see from painful experience in the Franco-Prussian War that it was easier to train a literate mass army. They were aware also that many Frenchmen spoke dialects that were arguably not even French and that many Frenchmen didn't really think of themselves as French. As discussed in Eugen Weber's excellent Peasants into Frenchmen, the huge investment in primary education was a fairly successful exercise in nation building.

There does seem to be a theme in Earthly Powers, but it emerges implicitly, rather than explicitly. The recurrent theme appears to be the need of states to capture some form of faith to bolster social and political integration. For example, the efforts of the most radical French Revolutionaries to develop some form of civic religion receives considerable coverage, as does the support of traditional religion by reaction era governments. While the social goals of these two eras and governments were quite different, the instrumental use of faith was similar. An important subtheme is the often ironic response of traditional religions to state action. The Papacy, for example, benefited in odd ways from the French Revolution and on a number of occasions in the 19th century preferred cosying up to the state than responding to the needs of Catholics in different nations. Burleigh leaves one with the impression that the 19th century was essentially period of contending faiths, particularly those of traditional religion versus the emerging 'political religions.' This seems to be part of an effort to distinguish his work from that of other historians who stress the increasing secularization of European society in the 19th century. Burleigh, however, can make this argument only with a very diluted definition of faith that is so broad as to be virtually useless. Burleigh's characterization of the 19th century as a period of competing faiths is also ironic in that Burleigh notes that he turned to 19th century history partly to escape writing about the dreadful events of the 20th century, arguably a real period of conflict among political religions. Burleigh's model of the 19th century, however, seems to be one in which he has transposed at least one essential feature of the 20th century into the 19th century. Burleigh also gives short shrift to one of the most interesting aspects of ideology in the 19th century. The increasing prevalence of pseudo-scientific racism in the late 19th century

The quality of writing is also uneven. Burleigh has a taste for complex sentences and unusual words. As demonstrated in his book on the Third Reich, he can be a vivid and powerful writer. In Earthly Powers, however, some of his language is so convoluted as to be an obstacle to understanding. He has also made the mistake of including frequent pot-shots at contemporary issues and figures. Many are apposite but many are merely snide and irrelevant to the issue being discussed. The Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm is a favorite target, though Burleigh doesn't name him specifically in the text, an act of moral cowardice.

Burleigh has certainly identified an area, or perhaps even areas, that deserve a major overview and work of synthesis-analysis. His book, unfortunately, is not that work.

_Earthly Powers: The Clash of Religion and Politics in Europe from the French Revolution to the Great War_ by British historian Michael Burleigh provides a fascinating history of the conflict which developed between the churches and the modernist political religions. Burleigh, whose previous work has focused on the Third Reich, builds upon the theories of émigré German philosopher Eric Voegelin, who argued that the modern day political religions constituted revivals of the Gnostic heresy. Voegelin was a conservative political philosopher who had escaped the German Third Reich and came to write on the political religions, especially communism and Nazism, the two great totalitarianisms of the Twentieth Century. Burleigh also notes the importance of Raymond Aron, who spoke of the "opium of the intellectuals" in their zeal for totalitarian systems. The use of the term "totalitarian" has proven problematic for many historians, particularly Marxists who seem to believe that communism did not constitute the sort of evil to be found in Nazism (the universal "bad guy"). Burleigh rejects these Marxist notions arguing instead that totalitarianism remains a useful category.

What this book does provide is a fascinating account of the various political conflicts brought about by the coming secularization of the preceding centuries from the French revolution onwards. Burleigh begins by discussing the utopian schemes of Dominican friar Tommaso Campenella as a precursor to his discussion of the coming political religions. This sort of utopian dreaming was to crop up again and again during the coming centuries. Burleigh next turns his attention to the "Age of Reason, Age of Faith", showing the conflict that developed between the Gallican church and the Jesuits. In particular, Burleigh references the works of Pascal and other Jansenists, who he argues came to resemble Deists in their belief that God had turned away from a fallen world. Burleigh also discusses the Philosophes and the conflict between them and the Ancien Regime. In the subsequent chapter, Burleigh provides a detailed account of the French revolution. Here we see firsthand the crimes committed in the name of "Reason" by the satanic revolutionaries. Burleigh considers two painters, who played an important role in the creation of the myth of the revolution: Johan Zoffany and Jacques-Louis David. Burleigh also explains the role of philosophers such as Rousseau in the revolution but also conservatives such as Burke and Toqueville. Burleigh also explains the role of the Jacobins and the subsequent role of the church in the creation of the counter-revolution. In particular, Burleigh considers two counter-revolutionary thinkers, both important traditionalist Catholics: Joseph de Maistre and Louis de Bonald. Burleigh also discusses the turns in the thought of Lammenais who began as a traditionalist opponent of the revolution but later embraced it and left the church entirely. In addition, Burleigh discusses the role of Napoleon following the revolution. Next, Burleigh turns his attention to "Political Messianism and Nationalism". Here, he considers the rise of various nationalisms including German, Irish, Polish, and Italian nationalism, mentioning such figures as Mickiewicz, O'Connell, and Mazzini. Burleigh also considers the role of secret societies in the formation of these nationalisms. Burleigh next turns his attention to the modern "faiths", considering the role of scientific developments such as Darwinian evolutionary theory in the decline of religious faith. Burleigh also notes the role of socialist utopians such as Robert Owen, Fourier, and Comte (who was apparently mentally unbalanced). Subsequently Burleigh turns his attention to late nineteenth century Russian thought. He notes the role of various anarchists and nihilists, who believed themselves to constitute a sort of "new man". Burleigh also goes into a detailed discussion of the life of Dostoevsky and his writings, explaining the conflicts in the Russian soul. Burleigh subsequently turns his attention to the rising conflict between church and state. Burleigh begins this discussion by emphasizing the role of Pope Pius IX as well as showing the growing conflicts that had developed in the Anglican church and the rise of the "Nonconformists". Next, Burleigh turns his attention to "The Churches in Industrial Society". Here, he shows the conflict which developed between Christianity and Christian social teachings and "Mammon", as it developed in Victorian England. Burleigh lays out the role played by various social and labor organizations and their role in curtailing the excesses of industrial capitalism. Burleigh examines both Protestant and Catholic social thought. In particular, he shows how thinkers on the right came to embrace the social question, not to be outdone by their leftist and socialist peers. Burleigh explains the role of Catholic social teaching, emphasizing the thinking of such individuals as Le Play, but also noting the importance of labor in the papal encyclical _Rerum novarum_. Burleigh also explains the developments in German thought, the role of romanticism, but also the coming place of anti-Semitism in nationalist thought. Burleigh also provides an account of Charles Maurras and the Action Francais. Finally, Burleigh turns his attention to the Great War. Here, he explains the role of the churches, both Catholic and Protestant, in support of the soldiers fighting the war. However, Burleigh notes the conflicts that developed between proletarian soldiers and upper class ministers. Burleigh ends with a discussion explaining how the role of the Great War led to the development of the modern day totalitarianisms: Fascism, Nazism, and Communism.

This book provides a fascinating account of European history and will be highly interesting to any reader seeking to understand the conflict between the church and the political religions as well as the coming role of secularization. As another reviewer has noted, Europe remains besieged by a whole host of problems brought about by the modern age and only a return to the Faith can save it. This book provides a fascinating account of how those difficulties arose in the past centuries brought on by the onslaught of the French revolution and further developed by the horrendous ideologies of communism and Nazism.

Finally, I should add that I did not find Burleigh's style to be too particularly difficult and I enjoyed reading his accounts of the various individuals within. He offers the reader much to think about and keeps him fascinated with many obscure details of history.

Michael Burleigh is one of the best historians around, as he's amply demonstrated in book after book. "Earthly Powers" is no exception to the rule. His theme in this book (which he continues to explore, even more successfully, in "Sacred Causes") is the clash between political and religious powers-that-be from the French Revolution to World War I, and the consequences of this clash for Europe and its citizenry. And it's impossible, as intended, not to gain and improve understanding of the West's calamitous current state as a result of religion (Catholicism in particular) being ultimately on the losing side of "disagreements" with secularism.

A couple of criticisms: Mr. Burleigh's linear approach (which, overall, I approve of) is a bit flat. He's highly descriptive, to be sure, but somewhat at the cost of analysis. Let the reader infer and extrapolate on his own, by all means, but a little more analysis from a top-drawer historian (Mr. Burleigh in this case) is always welcome. Also, while Mr. Burleigh is an excellent and elegant writer, he sometimes gets carried away by his own unquestionably rich vocabulary -- e.g., "We need not tarry over [Bertrand] Russell's historically jejune ratiocinations." No doubt. I mean, huh? And that's only on the third page! This is not to imply that Mr. Burleigh's writing is inaccessible. It is indeed accessible -- though perhaps not quite as accessible as one would like.

Still, "Earthly Powers" is a very good read -- it will hold your interest and provoke thought -- and I heartily recommend it (and its lack of ratiocinations).

Distinguished British historian Michael Burleigh began thinking of the history of Europe's relations between its religious and political components of civil society and the governments of emerging nation-states such as Italy and Germany while writing his classic histories on Nazi Germany. Seen via this light, his latest book, "Earthly Powers: The Clash of Religion and Politics in Europe from the French Revolution to the Great War", demonstrates how European society developed such evil 20th Century state religions of Communism, Fascism, and Nazism. He makes a most persuasive case in demonstrating that Revolutionary France, especially during the period of the Directory, was the precursor to such banal, evil state-sponsored faiths, replacing traditional Catholic doctrine and rituals with those proposed by the radical ruling elite of the first French republic. And he demonstrates how the clash of Protestant and Catholic religious traditions in Central Europe spurred efforts to create not only a modern unified German state, but also encouraged the successful unification of the Italian peninsula by revolutionaries like Giuseppe Garibaldi, with substantial assistance from the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia's astute ministers such as Camille Benso, conte Cavour, and its ruling family (This dynasty would eventually become the rulers of a unified Italian kingdom.), inspite of substantial opposition from the Catholic Church and its Popes ruling from Rome. Paradoxically, Burleigh notes how the ascendancy of strong religious traditions in German politics also fueled both Imperial Germany's global imperial ambitions, and the militarism which led directly to World War I. Although his prose is often uneven, Burleigh has made many useful observations about the relationships between 19th Century European religions and politics that have much relevance to today's current clash against Islamofascist terror.

The sources of the global disasters that define the previous century are very rightly the subject of investigation. If anything should be, they should be. The Great War was the worst case scenario come true....and it's aftermath, a continuation of the 20th century nightmare. Burleigh certainly has a pivotal subject.

Linking religion to the Great War....and for me, to the two later nefarious secular religions of our recent past, is an important way of understading the danger of the essential volatility of this mix. When belief, loses its moorings in "the good", and becomes subsumed in evil, the consequences are terrible, as Burleigh demonstrates in his investigastion of the Catholic-Protestant contest.....and catastrophic, when applied to the misled nation state. In either scenario, history becomes a contest between vigorously convinced teams, who seek to impose upon the world their systems of belief and thought.

My read is that Burleigh is clearly suggesting that this religious division was the nurturing environment for the Great War....and for me, the twin fiascos of the 20th century ideologies of the left and right. To recognize that the traditional, if flawed, center of western moral direction was in itself, divided against itself, and weakened, is an important historic insight....which makes all that followed, a logical consequence.

This thesis raises many and difficult questions for our 21st century world, which I hope Mr. Burleigh, will develop in future writings.

As an aside, I particularly enjoyed the discussion on the philosophes. These were men, like Franklin and Voltaire, who were always in search of answering that very first question of western philosphy: "What is Virtue?". The tragedy of religion and politics from the French Revolution to the Great War is that many of the powerful men, unelected and elected, answered this question very, very badly.

Would that they would have behaved differently!

Michael Burleigh's book is a good read....and a good historical thesis to consider for today's world.

This book gives some insight into how we got to today's political and religious scene. You can even make some parallels showing that we really are not much diffenent that we were 150 to 200 years ago.

I do wish that Mr. Burleigh had a more journalist style rather than a scholarly style or writing. His long sentences and paragraphs make for slow reading.

This is one of the most brilliant explications of the contrast and conflict between religion and politics in Europe from 1800 to the early 20th century. The authro delves deep into the underlying values of Europe in the 19th century as secularism swept the continent and unleashed terrible things. This is groundbreaking research that explains, finally, the interplay between Darwining, biblical criticism and the way in which religion and secularism lead to both violence and peace. The French revolution was the ultimate secular crusade the war of 1914 marked the end of that period of secularization and the advent of the communist and fascist period that would arrive after 1922.

A very interesting and grounbbreaking study. Easily readable, and brilliantly laid out, the argument is only half developed for this is part of a larger study, but this portion is the strongest.

Seth J. Frantzman

Burleigh is a master in this particular arena and asserts his command of the subject in this well written and well balanced book.

This is a broad look into what may appear today to be minor movements and personalities. these characters created the necessary structures for the better known historical figures to emerge. The 'religious' character of these utopean merchants is remarkable even when the solutions they envisioned were brutally inhuman.This book provides us with a deeper understanding of the conflicts of the current age between secularism and religion in its organised form.