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Economic Relations Between Egypt and the Gulf Oil States, 1967-2000: Petro-Wealth and Patterns of Influence
 
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Economic Relations Between Egypt and the Gulf Oil States, 1967-2000: Petro-Wealth and Patterns of Influence [Hardcover]

Gil Feiler (Author)
3.0 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (1 customer review)

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Book Description

1903900409 978-1903900406 February 2003
The upheaval in oil prices in the early 1970s gave rise to major changes in inter-Arab relations. While the oil-producing countries became rich and their citizens enjoyed one of the highest standards of living in the world, the Arab World's cultural and historical leader, Egypt, was enmeshed in an economic morass, barely managing to finance the import of foodstuffs for her population and at the forefront of the Arab confrontation with Israel. The author provides a unique insight into a virtually unseen current that has shaped Middle East war and politics for over 30 years by explaining the intricate and ever shifting relationship between Egypt and the immensely wealthy Arab Gulf newcomers. The book analyses the effects economic aid and cooperation had on the political relation- ship between the two sides, and on President Sadat's peace initiative with Israel. It provides a wealth of new data and original and insightful analysis, and fills an important gap in our understanding of the inner economic workings of the modern Arab world.

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Editorial Reviews

Review

"Feiler examines in great detail economic relations between Egypt and the Arab oil exporting countries... A concluding chapter nicely assesses why the economic ties had less impact than suggested by the rhetoric on both sides... Recommended." -- Social & Behavioral Sciences.

About the Author

Dr Feiler is a senior research associate of the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies at Bar Ilan University

Product Details

  • Hardcover: 407 pages
  • Publisher: Sussex Academic Pr (February 2003)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 1903900409
  • ISBN-13: 978-1903900406
  • Product Dimensions: 9.8 x 6.9 x 1.3 inches
  • Shipping Weight: 2.1 pounds (View shipping rates and policies)
  • Average Customer Review: 3.0 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (1 customer review)
  • Amazon Best Sellers Rank: #4,378,841 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

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3.0 out of 5 stars National Interests Over So-Called Solidarity, August 2, 2006
This review is from: Economic Relations Between Egypt and the Gulf Oil States, 1967-2000: Petro-Wealth and Patterns of Influence (Hardcover)
At the Khartoum summit in August 1967, as Patrick Lawson stated, when the Arab League rejected negotiations with Israel, three oil-rich states--Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Libya--guaranteed to provide Egypt with US$260 million annually in aid "until the results of Israeli aggression have been eliminated." Feiler tells the story of what happened next, assembling a coherent tale from scattered and not always consistent sources. He shows that Egypt and the Arab oil states did have an intense economic interaction. In the eighteen years from 1967 until the price of oil crashed in 1985, the oil-rich states provided Egypt $14 billion in aid, $5 billion in investment (most of it politically motivated), and $22 billion in workers' remittances through official channels. At its peak in 1975-77, the aid alone averaged more than 15 percent of Egypt's national output.

Yet aid, investment, and remittances did not put Egypt on the path to sustained growth in the 1970s; to the contrary, Egypt's economy remained in desperate straits, and its dependence on aid only grew deeper. Feiler documents Egyptian disappointment with aid and its bitterness over bearing what it considered an undue burden in the conflict against Israel--factors which played no small part in Sadat's decision to seek a peace treaty with Israel. These factors also led Egypt to turn to the West economically. Indeed, as the slow turn began in the late 1980s, Egyptian economic performance began to improve. The accelerating turn after the 1991 Kuwait war, rather than the Arab aid in wake of Egypt's role in that conflict, accounted for the country's strong economic showing in the 1990s.

Feiler also shows that for all the talk about Arab solidarity and a joint stand against Israel, the economic flows appear to have been much more motivated by the particular national interests of each oil-rich country. For instance, Saudi aid was aimed by the strongly anticommunist kingdom to reduce Soviet influence in Egypt. Over time, the flow of funds to Egypt came more and more from remittances by Egyptian workers, whose low-cost labor was so useful to the oil-rich states, which at the time, were desperately short of workers ready and able to work in modern enterprises.

A minor quibble: Arab oil donors to Egypt included both the conservative monarchies of the Gulf and two radical states, Iraq and Libya--the latter of which is not in the Gulf at all. Feiler's analysis would have benefited from more fully integrating into his story the two radical donors, which he only sometimes includes.

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