Customer Reviews

The Failures of Integration: How Race and Class Are Undermining the American Dream

5 star:		(6)
4 star:		(4)
3 star:		(2)
2 star:		(0)
1 star:		(1)

 

 

Some of you may wonder why I, being a white Brit with conservative political beliefs, should be interested in a book about racial issues in America. It's quite simple, really - Britain, like America, is a multi-racial society in which the different races sometimes have difficulty relating to each other and this is a good way to understand some of what black people think of whites and how the differences can be overcome. While there are differences between Britain and America, there are also plenty of similarities. I do not agree with everything here but I never expected to. To be honest, the book is far better -and more constructive - than I dared hope.

Sheryll Cashin, the author, is clearly a highly intelligent lady who has done a lot of research for this book. She presents her case well and it is, at times, uncomfortable reading for white readers, just as I expected, though it is also clear that she recognizes that progress needs the co-operation of the white community, so she is careful in her use of language. Furthermore, she acknowledges that black people have some of the same faults. In this way, she can reasonably hope to win support for her case from at least some white people. She presents a lot of facts as well as opinions presented as facts.

One of the opinions that are presented as fact is fundamental to her philosophy. This is a forecast that the white majority will disappear this century in America and that by 2100 whites will only make up forty percent of the population - still the largest ethnic group but not a majority. This forecast may prove to be accurate but it may not. By persistently stating it as a fact rather than a forecast, Sheryll damages her case slightly.

Sheryll mainly focuses on housing although schools are also given a fair bit of coverage. She scarcely mentions business or cultural situations. Furthermore, she only looks at what is happening in America. It would have been useful to compare the American experience with what is happening in Europe, where there is also a white majority, and with Africa, where there is a black majority.

Sheryll complains that white people like to live in areas that are predominately white, yet acknowledges that black people like to live in areas that are predominately black. She wants us all to live amongst each other - no white areas, no black areas (actually, she concedes that a few enclaves might be OK, even useful) - but explains why she won't be an integration pioneer (her term for a black person going to live in a white area). All this explains why areas that somehow manage to become mixed generally don't stay mixed - eventually one race becomes a minority and moves out unless there is a strong sense of community.

Sheryll does, however, draw one clear distinction, claiming that black people are accustomed to (and therefore comfortable) being a minority among whites, yet white people are uncomfortable being in a minority among blacks. This may well be true (at least for some whites), but this is where research in Africa would have been useful - it would have revealed whether it is a white problem or a majority race problem. I will say that the only time I was in a white minority was on a training course. It lasted several weeks but although I was surprised at first (it was a new experience for me), I quickly got used to it and I never had any problems with any of the black people I met there - indeed, some of them were wonderful.

Sheryll's wish for all areas to be mixed (which she concedes is a Utopian ideal) might be attainable in the long term but she acknowledges that it could not be imposed - it must be achieved by persuasion. My instinct is that this will be easier to achieve by focusing on schools and work first. If whites and blacks get used to each other in these aspects of life, then eventually they will be happier to live amongst each other. This may take a couple of generations or more. Sheryll is clearly of the opinion that housing is central and points to local action in various places that have yielded results.

However, what makes Sheryll's solution completely unworkable is that she wants to break down all class barriers, inextricably linking class, wealth and race. She does not like the concept of people living in the best area they can afford, thus creating exclusive areas that are thereby out of the range of most people. Unfortunately for Sheryll, this type of segregation has existed from the earliest days of civilization as we recognize it, even in single-race communities, and I can't see that it's never going to change. Linking class issues with race issues undermines her case totally.

Despite my misgivings, this book is compulsive reading and everybody can learn a lot from it. If your political beliefs are similar to Sheryll's, you may yearn for her proposed solution, but even if you're a white conservative like me, it is useful to get a glimpse of the black perspective on racial issues.

Regardless of your racial group or political beliefs, I have no hesitation in recommending this book.

You don't need to read this book to know that the United States remains a highly segregated nation, especially its African-American citizens. What will probably shock you is to learn how hard it is to find a neighborhood where the population is reasonably integrated. Professor Cashin lives in such a neighborhood and helps the rest of to see what we are missing in our not very integrated neighborhoods.

Naturally, I expected the book to outline the problems that African-Americans face as a result such as poorer educations, fewer job opportunities, more exposure to crime and few cultural choices. And of course the book correctly spells out those problems. The book also describes that there are economic burdens for even middle class African-Americans because their neighborhoods are often close to poor African-American neighborhoods . . . and the costs spill over. There is a remarkable discussion of Washington, D.C. and its suburbs that makes all of these details tangible.

What makes this a remarkable book that adds new fuel to the debate in favor of integration is that Professor Cashin makes a compelling argument that those who are not African-Americans are paying a high economic price for living apart. These costs include higher real estate prices, longer commutes, higher prices for basic goods and services and higher taxes to pay for the social ills that follow from African-American poverty. In addition, families pay a higher cost by having parents and children be apart for more hours in the day.

Professor Cashin points out that a central flaw in the way we all live our lives is to seek out the very best neighborhoods to raise our children in . . . a natural instinct among all parents. In pursuing that instinct, we often fail to look at the alternatives such as living in a good neighborhood where our cost of living will be 1/3 less so that one parent doesn't have to work. We also miss the chance for our children to become better prepared for the multicultural world that lies ahead.

Professor Cashin has done her homework, and she makes a number of novel suggestions for how to overcome our bias towards living in segregated communities.

The only weakness I found in the work was her extreme emphasis on parents and their young children. The last time I looked, fewer than 10 percent of all U.S. households had two parents and children under 18 in them. Clearly, looking out for children isn't the only reason people live in segregated areas. I think part of the missing argument is how much more profitable it is to prepare for retirement by owning a home in a sought-after community.

But I know lots of people who want to move into more interesting areas after their children are grown. They would seem like good candidates to look into the benefits of living in integrated neighborhoods.

School funding is a national shame. That problem needs to be overcome. All children need to have the chance to develop their talents in safe schools and neighborhoods. We are making a huge mistake if we don't fix this problem.

I had the experience of seeing Prof. Cashin summarize her book in person. I found her approach very shrewd. First, she reviewed her own options and rationale for choosing where to buy a house in Washington. Then she cited studies on people's racial preference in housing patterns. Then she moved from subjective attitudes to "objective" political-economic realities and the policies behind them. She outlined a ratings system ranking the quality and hence real estate value of types of neighborhoods from the very top to the very bottom, which do not reflect the subjective whims of homebuyers but the value set by business. At the top are exclusively white, affluent neighborhoods. The key issue here is not the affluence, but the fact that the desirability of a well-off neighborhood is indicated by its (white) racial homogeneity. She segued to the cost of segregation to whites. Their upward mobility is also affected by this hierarchy, because the "desirable" all-white neighborhoods become so expensive that most middle class whites can't afford them and are thereby relegated to a lower social status. The prescription is policy that supports safe, desirable neighborhoods with mixed race and income levels, of which there are some model examples. Whites will also materially benefit from not having to live in a situation where every move they make is dominated by fear of blacks. Cashin emphasized her book's title's claims that there have been failures to achieve the stated goal of integration, not that integration is a failure. She is pro-integration, and is concerned about the practical measures to make it a reality and not merely pay lip service to the ideal. "Integration" should not be considered an old-fashioned word from the early '60s.

To some extent the nature of the audience response was split by race. The blacks tended to emphasize the artificiality of racial separation, how little sense it makes, and how odd America's de facto racial segregation seems from outside the United States and how alike all Americans seem to foreigners. The whites, most of whom were well-meaning and very anxious to redress the problem, had different sorts of comments and questions. Cashin clearly dissociated herself from appeals to white guilt either promoted or criticized by certain white people in the room, emphasizing that she did not play blame games either in her talk nor in her book.

I commended Cashin for her approach, beginning with the subtitle of her book (race and class) and proceeding from the subjective and objective sides of residential patterns, which ultimately determine so much. I argued that the mass media and popular culture and everyday interaction send mixed messages: on the one hand popular culture encourages integration; on the other, it too often rigidly reinforces stereotypes. People are much more accepting these days of one another at the workplace and in casual interactions in public, but then they go home to separate neighborhoods and don't socialize with one other outside of work. And then there is the true test of integration: intermarriage, and the reactions of one's relatives to interracial couplings. This society is full of contradictions. There is a failure of imagination: no one has the foresight to grasp the implications of integration, which, if the barriers between people were removed once and for all, would radically alter _everyone's_ conception of identity. My comments--especially my phrase "failure of imagination"--really moved Prof. Cashin and several audience members. And if you care about this society's future, make this book a top priority.

Race and class, the two perennial American problems that most Americans try their best to ignore, get another treatment in this well-written, easy to read text analyzing demographic and economic changes that have occurred in the US over the last 30+ years. In short, the author argues that measures to integrate schools and workplaces have been sidestepped by segregation by housing. Specifically, whites have moved to wealthier and wealthier communities in an effort to stay away from poor blacks, and many of these communities in turn use various measures to keep out the "undesirables". The resources that whites spend to create this voluntary, geographic segregation is detrimental to everyone involved. And the effect it has on those left behind, blacks and poor whites, often results in economic privation, loss of property value, destruction of tax base, and a general malaise. The author cites various examples of this segregation at work; these include the NY area, Boston, LA, and the Detroit area.

The picture painted in this book is one of a country where one group of people willingly and purposefully devoted to live as far away as possible from another group of people. The end result is a nation divided, and weakened in various respects. The author also provides alternatives to this state of affairs. First, she encourages wealthy whites, and blacks, to try and live in mixed-use, mixed-income neighborhoods that are more integrated along racial and economic lines. Second, she speaks out against business practices that encourage economic segregation and provides alternatives to them.

One of the most important points made in this book is that the reason why integration failed in the USA is because the efforts to integrate have by and large been made by the minority (blacks) but have been resisted by the majority (whites).

What the book should have included is a chapter examining how other societies have gone about dealing with racial / socioeconomic differences. I personally suggest the author look at Singapore and its history since WWII as a good example of how to keep a multicultural society together. But overall a good book to read.

As a "middle class white male" with little first-hand understanding of the real/unique challenges continually facing black Americans, this book literally haunted me for 3 years. I eventually changed my choice regarding the neighborhood I live in and the public schools my children attend.

What Rick fails to understand in his recent review is that there is well established evidence that blacks are at a unique disadvantage based on the housing choices and preferences of all other racial/ethnic groups. The separation along the lines of race and class is uniquely poisonous to blacks living in areas of concentrated poverty. While Mrs. Cashin might not explore that evidence in detail, she certainly is aware of it. To acquire a more complete understanding of the vast sum of evidence regarding the unique challenges faced by blacks in America's real estate market, try reading the following book:

The Geography Of Opportunity: Race And Housing Choice In Metropolitan America (James A. Johnson Metro Series)

This book will reveal subtle thinking patterns exercised by people of various racial/ethnic backgrounds and how those thought processes help perpetuate the separation we see along the lines of race and class in our country. There is also compelling evidence (based on well designed longitudinal studies) that shows improved outcomes for black Americans who are removed from areas of concentrated poverty. The evidence is overwhelming for those of us who choose to seek it and fully understand its implications.

Like many other commentators, Cashin argues that class and race segregation hurts the black poor - but she also makes some less common arguments, suggesting that:

a) the black middle class suffer from this status quo, because black in-migration leads to white flight, which in turn lowers property values just enough for poorer blacks to move in, which in turn means that even relatively upscale black suburbs suffer from poverty-related ills such as higher crime and worse schools than well-off white suburbs.

b) the white middle class suffers, because in order to avoid the fate of the black middle class, whites must live in overwhelmingly white, well-off areas - because only in such areas can whites keep their children out of poverty-packed (and thus low-achieving) schools. But the scarcity of such areas means that whites must pay heavy costs to obtain them- either in money (for close-in and thus desirable upscale areas) or in time (for outer suburbs that require hefty commutes).

c) the isolation of the minority poor victimizes the middle class of all races. Cashin suggests that if the poor were more likely to live near and go to school with the middle class, they might commit fewer crimes and be more easily educable. (This assertion is, I think, the weakest link in her argument; perhaps it is simply unprovable given the difficulty of separating geographic isolation from a variety of other factors that might cause crime and underachievement).

d) the status quo is not the result of market forces, but of government policy: zoning laws that artificially separate economic classes by keeping cheap housing out of wealthy areas, highways that facilitate white flight from cities, and federal housing policy that created public housing ghettoes.

Cashin's solution is to spread the poor more evenly throughout American suburbs. How can this goal be achieved? Cashin asserts that if the poor lived in more diverse areas and attended schools dominated by the middle class, they would be more educable and act more civilly. Such class integration can be achieved by substituting inclusionary zoning for exclusionary zoning (that is, mandating that new housing include, rather than excluding, the poor), using housing and school vouchers to enable people to live in middle-class neighborhoods and to attend any public school regardless of residence.

One danger of integrationist remedies: they only work if applied throughout a region. If suburb X integrates and suburb Y refuses to do so, suburb X, like the black middle-class suburbs Cashin discusses, gets a disproportionate share of the region's poor- which means it becomes undesirable to upscale families, which means it goes downhill. So if only diversity-minded cities or inner-ring suburbs adopt Cashin's remedies, the ultimate result might be just to spread poverty further into the suburbs and thus to create a new round of middle-class flight from integrationist suburbs.

I'm an upper-middle class white male who, for many years, has been seeking to eradicate all lingering propensities towards any measure of prejudicial perception. In meeting many open minded people, much knowledge has been transferred to help project an educated perspective on this whole issue. But, nothing has pulled the wool from over my eyes better than Sheryll Cashion's powerful, honest, and multi-dimensional analysis of separatist realities in this country.

She is quite gifted as an author, objective conveyer of the truth, and true servant of human rights. She has produced the most insightful and informative piece of literature I've ever read on this topic. Her factual analysis is so obviously evidenced through a simple personal examination of our very own communities, living conditions, institutions, and social interaction tendencies. An unfettered open mind has the most amount to gain from this book. However, because her analysis is so factually based, anyone could gain unique insight into an unpleasant and unfair aspect of our society, irregardless of their own views.

I grew up in Charles County, Maryland, and what Sheryll Cashion articulates, constitutes a disturbing, but all too accurate reality. As the human race, we all coexist in some relative physical proximity, but for all intensive purposes, our personal lives and residential existence are far from embellishing an integration mind set. Whether consciously or subconsciously, as a whole, we really have migrated towards a separatist society in far too many areas. My hope is that generations growing up in modern times will see the ugly truth of historical conditions, and become tomorrow's advocates for true integration and freedoms we hold dear. This book helps provide an accurate background of why our society has become separate, but also explains the avenue of mitigation moving forward.

Though I could never truly know what it is like to grow up black and/or poor, it's painful to learn imposed prejudicial policies, and how they can significant affect the quality of life for any race that is subject to such conditions. It's so easy to be a majority of those who enjoy benefits of race from birth, and not see the other side of the coin. This is wrong, but until we gain related knowledge, how do we know any better sometimes? Read this book and it will fuel the fire of a realistic perception against racism.

I firmly believe we are all in control of our own destinies with individual accountability. But racist indoctrination is simply TOO obvious to dismiss in being an atrociously detrimental force contributing to hardships incurred by black (and other minority) races. It's one thing to have the same opportunities with equal rights, but when life starts with such a disadvantage, the realization of success is tougher. Accountability of the individual is always important. However, when the playing field is not level, it's harder (though not impossible) to achieve the desired measure of success one seeks.

Everyone, independent of race, should read this book to gain critical understanding of how racial discrimination impacts many seemingly unrelated aspects of life. I say this to because, as is said in this book, not only does racism severely impact the race it's imposed upon, but, proliferation has immediate and long-term negative implications on culture and society at large. Thank you for writing this Sheryll. You are one of the few authors to remain relatively neutral in your analysis of this huge problem, yet promote an honest and important view point. My eyes are wide open now, and as a white male not completely understanding how it feels to be the victim in these circumstances, you certainly have the universal truth serum!

I read this book because I had seen it mentioned in other writings about race and class issues. I have to say that the book was interesting and chock-full of data, survey results, and personal anecdotes about race and class issues, especially in relation to the DC suburbs, which made for an interesting read.

However, the book sorely lacks logical coherence. Cashin promotes the idea of all races (particularly black and white) and all classes (poor to rich) living together in an idealized cross-racial, cross-class neighborhood. She admits that almost none of these types of neighborhoods exist in America. Cashin places the blame for this situation on whites (for not wanting blacks to live among them) and on middle class blacks (for not wanting to live near low-income blacks).

However, Cashin firmly states that she, a highly educated black woman, had no desire to live in a mostly white neighborhood of DC when she was looking for a home. She also did not want to live among low-income blacks, in the ghettos of DC. Instead, she chose to buy a house in a solidly middle class neighborhood with a large number of black families. Point: If Cashin, who devotes her life to racial issues, refuses to subject herself and her family to living with people of other races and income levels, how can she expect anyone else to do the same?

In addition, she does not give real credit to the other non-racial reasons for upper income people being reluctant to live among lower-income residents. These reasons include crime and school quality, among other issues. I believe it would be fairly dangerous for a well-off individual to build a nice house in the middle of a ghetto. Who doesn't think that this person would be targeted by criminals?

All in all, Cashin provides an interesting read, but one that lacks logical sense or a realistic solution.

Sheryll Cashin is heavily invested in the challenges of integration. She's chosen to live in a multicultural DC neighborhood despite the choices available to her as a Georgetown University School of Law professor. She served under Thurgood Marshall near the tragic end of his historic career on the Supreme Court. "Failures of Integration" strives to be a well-reasoned argument for a rededication to the values of integration.

Local DC Metro residents will gain a great deal from this book, and I'd recommend it to any of my professional and community neighbors without question. Cashin discusses areas such as Mt. Airy in Philadelphia and Detroit's highly segregated metro area, but it is her personal knowledge of DC's situation that is the strength of this book. Many hold Prince George's County, Maryland as a model county for the potential of black people to live in vital yet separate communities. Cashin, however, breaks down the costs of separation for the black middle and upper classes in terms of the schools they sacrifice to live in PG and the futile nature of their escape from urban blight. As a recent DC resident, I found the discussion on the pros and cons of Mitchelleville's mansion communities to be very insightful.

Cashin's criticism is not limited to the black middle class. As a lawyer, she shares her knowledge of the types of government policies that led to the divided communities we have today. Housing discrimination and highway development are two often overlooked areas that weaken the position that today's segregation is a choice. In addition, I was surprised to know how much the demography industry has led businesses to avoid black communities and distort development. When companies internalize the view that development in homogenous, high income communities is the safest way to profit, it makes it hard to generate the business development that makes minority/majority and diverse communities economically viable.

Cashin even bravely takes on arguing that whites also lose with segregation. Winner takes all competition for scarce public school resources and the premium real estate prices of homogenous communities will eventually squeeze out the white middle class. Her interviews of Arlington, VA white parents who have decided to remain in the public schools highlights some of the reasoning behind white parents school decisions and the potential benefits of going against the trends of segregation.

This book has led me to reconsider my positions on both private schools and Prince George's County. Increasingly, I'm coming to believe the diverse charter schools in DC are the best long term, reproducible options for school achievement.

If this book does have one blind spot, however, it is the lack of discussion on the black church. Megachurch membership in Prince George's County is a major factor in the integration vs. segregation debate. Many parishioners enjoy the comfort of worship with their own kind. Metropolitan Baptist Church's move from a diversifying Washington, DC community to Prince George's County Maryland reveals some of the challenges in getting black religous leaders to embrace diversity as a positive goal.

Still, this well-researched book will inform readers on the challenges of integration and challenge them to reconsider their own beliefs. We need more voices like this in the debate, and I strongly recommend this book.

4 stars

--SD

As an Urban Studies and Public Policy major, many of the concepts in Cashin's book came to life for me. I believe that Cashin's book gives detailed explantion on the various structural problems in the housing market and in the school systems. This is an excellent book for any reader.