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26 of 28 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
Excellent Look At The Economics Of Feminists' Policies, April 7, 2002
The "mainstream" feminist movement is under increasing fire for losing site of the goal of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 - equal protection of both sexes under the law. Those who challenge the radical leaders of this movement call themselves individualist feminists. They believe that equality for women is best achieved through supporting individual liberty, economic freedom, and the rule of law. Most individualist feminists attack "mainstream" feminism on philosophical grounds - arguing that it is unjust for the state to apply different rules toward men and women. In "The Feminist Dilemma," Furchtgott-Roth and Stolba extend that logic to economics - asserting that setting aside benefits for women via government fiat will harm men and women alike by inhibiting their abilities to succeed in the marketplace.The authors argue that success has created an identity crisis for many feminists who make a living through activism. Because women made such enormous strides since obtaining equal protection under the law, many activists groups seek to justify their continued existence by promoting equality of results in the marketplace in areas like wages and affirmative action in education. This, the authors assert, makes the feminist movement seem more socialistic than democratic. Socialism hurts women by reducing their freedom to make choices. Feminists claim that, when women choose job flexibility over higher wages, they are victims of a false consciousness that imposes a patriarchal agenda on them. They believe women are strong enough to accomplish even more on their own, but deny that they can do it without completely reinventing our legal system. The authors point out that, because they support redistribution through comparable worth legislation, radical feminists actually prevent women from gaining access to higher paying jobs by suppressing those jobs within the economy. What sets Furchtgott-Roth and Stolba apart from many other individualist feminists is that, rather than focusing on political philosophy, they analyze and discuss both visible and hidden economic costs of the radical feminists' proposals. When firms are forced to incur higher operating costs to create new benefits for women - including expanded childcare and healthcare packages - these costs must be passed on to consumers via higher prices. If consumers aren't willing to pay those prices, employees must absorb the costs through wage reductions, layoffs, or reduced benefits in other areas. Although the costs may not be imposed immediately when the policies are enacted, they tend to exhibit themselves with force when recessions occur. In addition, many costs manifest themselves as opportunities foregone - new businesses not created, new products and ideas not developed, and potential investments never made. Both men and women must cope with these problems. The authors present evidence to counteract radical feminists' claims in many areas. Some of their most impressive data shows that women are outperforming men in both college admissions and academic achievements. Women now receive more than half of all B.A.'s and M.A.'s and almost half of all medical and law degrees. They are more likely to attend college and graduate at higher rates than men. Because their choices of majors reflect their abilities and preferences, efforts to encourage women to study areas they do not like may actually reduce their future earning potential rather than raise it. Furchtgott-Roth and Stolba apply the same logic to women's career choices. They believe women tend to want careers that offer flexible hours, or that can be interrupted at times, so they can set aside additional time for their families. Thus, they believe radical feminists who want comparable worth mandated by Congress are out of touch with working women's desires and goals. The only area where the authors need to strengthen their case is Title IX's impact on college sports. They argue the courts' interpretations of Title IX as a quota system have forced many universities to shut down men's programs that fail to generate revenue. Although this is true to an extent, many of these programs may have been cut anyway due to revenue shortfalls. In addition, many women's programs - especially basketball in the ACC, SEC, Big Ten, Big Twelve, and PAC Ten conferences - are beginning to generate revenue for schools. Because college athletics was never a purely market-based system and involves using money from some programs to pay for others, a very strong case must be made to prove that Title IX, and not ordinary market pressures, is responsible for the loss of men's programs. Furchtgott-Roth and Stolba do an outstanding job of showing why radical feminists' proposals to reduce economic freedom for women will harm them over time. As more and more women outpace men in the classroom, it will become clearer that affirmative action actually penalizes women for their hard work. One can only hope that legislators will heed the authors' advice and restore equality of opportunity to its rightful place as the cornerstone of our civil rights legislation before more harm is done to women's freedoms.
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