How to profit collectively from the tremendous energies released by industrialisation while at the same time avoiding a situation in which ordinary people are crushed by it? This was the question that was to be addressed and answered by Karl Marx in his main work, Das Kapital (1867). It then took another fifty years for a strategist of political genius, Lenin, to succeed in seizing power in Russia, in the messianic hope of liberating the "workers of the world".
Eighty years on, the Soviet Union has sunk without trace and the world is again going through major transformations as a consequence of what we could call the second capitalist revolution. Like its predecessor, it is the fruit of the convergence of a whole series of changes occurring in three principal areas.
First, in the area of technology. The progressive computerisation of all sectors of the economy has combined with the shift to digitisation (sound, text and images transmitted at the speed of light in one common format) to revolutionise the worlds of work, education, leisure and so on.
Second, in the area of economics. The new technologies are creating an environment that is very favourable for the expansion of the finance sector. They are particularly suited to all activities which are global, non-stop, immediate and immaterial. The "big bang" of the world's stock exchanges, and the deregulation brought in during the 1980s by Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan, created the conditions for the economic globalisation which has been the principal dynamic of the final years of the twentieth century, and which no country can any longer escape.
Third, at the sociological level. The twin upheavals cited above undermine the traditional prerogatives of the nation state and demolish certain conceptions of power and political representation. Where power had previously been hierarchical, vertical and authoritarian, it is now increasingly being structured in networks and is becoming horizontal and, thanks to the manipulation of public opinion made possible by the mass media, consensual.
The world's societies have lost their bearings and are desperately searching for meanings and models, because these three major areas of change are all occurring at the same time, with the result that the shock effect is intensified.
At the same time, two of the pillars on which modern democracies once rested - progress and social cohesion - are being replaced by two others - communication and the market - which are changing their nature.
Communication, the principal superstition of the present age, is offered as the ultimate panacea for resolving conflict - within the family, the school, the company or the state. It is seen as the great peace-bringer. But there is now a suspicion that its very abundance is likely to bring about new forms of alienation, and that instead of liberating the spirit its excesses are more likely to imprison it.
Nowadays, the market has a tendency to flood all human activities and to bring them under its control. Once upon a time certain areas - culture, sport and religion - were still beyond its reach, but now the market has absorbed them. Governments increasingly turn to the market (through privatisation and the abandonment of state sectors). However, the market is the main enemy of social cohesion, because its logic demands that a society be divided into two groups: the solvent and the non-solvent. The latter are of no interest to it and as such can be jettisoned. The market, by its very nature, produces inequalities.
Over the course of the past decade, all these structural and conceptual changes have, in a real sense, blown the world apart. Basic geopolitical concepts, such as state, power, democracy and frontier, no longer have the same meanings. In fact, if one watches the real functioning of international life, one comes to realise that its protagonists are no longer who they once were.
At the planetary level, the three principal protagonists - which under the ancien rgime had been the nobility, the clergy and the third estate - are now associations of states such as the European Union, NAFTA, ASEAN; global companies and the major media and finance groupings; and non-governmental organisations operating at the global level, such as Greenpeace, Amnesty International, World Wild Life. It is a sign of the times that these three groups of actors are active within a planetary framework that is now governed not so much by the United Nations as by the World Trade Organisation, the new global arbiter.
One's democratic vote has no influence on the internal workings of these three new actors. This transformation of the world has taken place without the ordinary man in the street realising it, and even without the politicians really understanding it. Can we afford just to sit and watch while all this contrives to strip democracy of its meaning?
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2 of 2 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars
a very interesting work,
This review is from: The Geopolitics of Chaos (Paperback)
This work is still very vital as a work of analysis. Although some of the situations that were current during the writing of this book have changed quite a bit, the general analysis and much of the information and quotes provided are highly relevant. Ramonet brings some intriguing ideas to debates on globalization and the role of the state and his work on the problems of groups reverting to occult and nationalist dogmas, the politics of fear in the face of a so-called modernity that works against their interests... Ramonet keenly psychologizes the patters of oppressed peoples seeking strength in taking out aggressions on other oppressed peoples, since the centers of power are so far away, and the powerful able to manipulate opinion and information in many areas to achieve such a result. Ramonet confronts the question, throughout this work, what is the role of the state in these times and how can a concerned populus move beyond the false security of antiquated ideologies to actually take back some sovereignty? It's a brave work... though there are some downfalls...
For one, the translation was obviously quick as there are numerous annoying mistakes and gaps... and there is little in the way of actual citation. And while I recognize some of the material cited, it is very annoying and opens the book up to calls of credibility that such important citations are missing. Ramonet's newer work in translation is much better and suffers from none of these flaws.
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