From George Wallace to Newt Gingrich: Race in the Conservative Counterrevolution, 1963-1994 (Paperback)

~ (Author) "In 1963, George Wallace moved from the stage of regional politics into the national consciousness..." (more)
Key Phrases: New York, George Wallace, Richard Nixon (more...)

Editorial Reviews

From Publishers Weekly

In his 1995 biography of Wallace, The Politics of Rage, LSU professor Carter called the former Alabama governor, "the most influential loser in twentieth century American politics." Wallace saw in America's white suburbs a racism that, while perhaps not as outspoken as that in the South, could still be exploited. The three lectures that form the bulk of this book were given in 1991 when Carter was working on The Politics of Rage, so some of the argument will sound familiar. But it is short and focused, so readers who weren't willing to devote over 500 pages to Wallace can discover his lasting effect on American politics. If Wallace took the issue of race to the rest of the nation, Nixon embedded it in a set of social issues and attitudes: "The trick lay in sympathizing with and appealing to the fears of angry whites without appearing to become an extremist and driving away moderates-or, as Ehrlichman described the process, to present a position on crime, education, or public housing in such a way that a voter could 'avoid admitting to himself that he was attracted by a racist appeal.'" In the 1980s, Republicans were able to embed encoded racial issues (quotas and welfare dependency) in their anti-government campaigning. While Carter has supplemented his original lectures with another chapter that includes the Republican victories of 1994, it addresses Newt Gingrich without mentioning one man who has done some cribbing from the Republican playbook-Bill Clinton.
Copyright 1996 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.

Product Description

A historian traces the role of right-wing reaction to the civil rights movement in Republican politics beginning with George Wallace's entrance on the national scene, arguing that conservatives still exploit racism for political gain. UP. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.

Product Details

• Paperback: 152 pages
• Publisher: Louisiana State University Press (April 1999)
• Language: English
• ISBN-10: 0807123668
• ISBN-13: 978-0807123669
• Product Dimensions: 9 x 6 x 0.3 inches
• Shipping Weight: 6.7 ounces (View shipping rates and policies)
• Average Customer Review: 4.2 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (5 customer reviews)
• Amazon.com Sales Rank: #660,700 in Books (See Bestsellers in Books)

Customer Reviews

Most Helpful Customer Reviews

25 of 29 people found the following review helpful:

5.0 out of 5 stars racial origins of the New Right--eloquent and persuasive, July 14, 2000

By A Customer

In four clear, well-written essays, Carter shows how the conservative counter-revolution had its origins in white revulsion against the gains of the civil rights movement. From Montgomery to Milwaukee, whites found the prospect of racial equality frightening and unacceptable. In response to this--and, Carter acknowledges, other issues--a political realignment emerged. No one was more telling and important to this conservative backlash than George Wallace, the Dixiecrat from Alabama whose independent campaigns for the White House showed the Republican Party how to employ coded racial appeals to go from the party of the country club to the party of country music. This is a lively, thoughtful book with hard evidence and engaging anecdotes. And Carter is one of the best literary stylists writing history today. Better still is his magnificent biography of George Wallace, THE POLITICS OF RAGE, which describes the same transformations through the biography of a fascinating Southern demagogue who once received 34 per cent of the vote in my home state of Wisconsin!

19 of 23 people found the following review helpful:

5.0 out of 5 stars What happened to the "Party of Lincoln", September 9, 2002

By	GHT - See all my reviews

This book is four essays that deal with ideological drift of the GOP towards rightist and culturally conservative themes, and the appeal to white racism that underlies much of the GOP's appeal to the voters. The essays are chronological, the first one deals primarily with George Wallace, the others with Nixon, Reagan, and Gingrich.

Carter uses George Wallace's presidential campaigns of 1968 and 1972 as his starting point - how a racist demagogue from a cultural backwater quickly develops a national constituency, appealing to whites who feel threatened by the civil rights revolution of the 1960s. He then analyzes Nixon's exploitation of the same fears in his building of his "Silent Majority", and Nixon's important role in transitioning the Wallace voter to the GOP in 1972 and after.

The last two essays focus on Reagan and Gingrich, and how they in essence "deconstruct" racism to better fit their conservative ideologies and broaden the GOP's appeal. Nixon, Reagan, and Gingrich are far more circumspect in displaying overt racism than a Wallace, but Carter's arguement that their focus on exploiting the fears of middle class voters has its roots in the racism of George Wallace and his ilk is fairly compelling.

Carter sometimes seem to take this theory a bit too far, but that will happen in a short four essay book. Carter is troubled by the GOP's appeal to white racial fears, and his viewpoint that the GOP is 'playing with fire' around these fears is always evident, and sometimes heavyhanded.

This is a very readable thought provoking book.

10 of 13 people found the following review helpful:

5.0 out of 5 stars How the GOP abandoned the party of Lincoln, July 17, 2005

By	Robin Orlowski "political activist" (United States) - See all my reviews (TOP 500 REVIEWER)    (REAL NAME)

Dan T. Carter argues that George Wallace might be one of the more influential politicians in American history. He showed conservatives that racist rhetoric was a vote getter and that southern discontent over the civil rights movement could be mined for election to national office.

Carter is a professor of history at Emory University whose research interests are southern politics. His previous works include The Politics of Rage, which solely studies George Wallace's subconscious and enduring legacy on southern politics. It shows that Carter knows his research in this still-troubling field.

The Nixon campaign took careful notes of Wallace's 1968 and 1972 attempts because white racists subsequently became one of the groups backing the 1972 Nixon campaign. The Nixon campaign had marketed themselves as a return to simpler times, when everything was 'good'. Ignoring the sociolegal realities for most Americans, this approach then virtually presented civil rights policies as an encroachment upon that social standard.

The southern strategy also implied that African Americans themselves were responsible for the resulting social disorder in their communities and had actually been making trouble where there initially was none. Blaming the victim was a convienient way to ignore long-festering racial problems and win elections in the south. It also yielded national election wins for the GOP in the once-solid south.

The Republicans would exploit racial fears again during the 1988 campaign. Lee Atwater, Bush Sr's campaign manager ran a campaign against Michael Dukakis which ultimately elevated racist campaigning to an unprecedented level. Willie Horton was a convicted criminal who had committed a rape and armed robbery while he was out on a Massachusetts weekend release program.

"Independent" television campaign ads supporting Bush emphasized that Willie Horton was a black man. The idea was to 'scare' white voters into believing that Horton would rape their families and/or themselves. Dukakis's election as president would have 'presumably' allowed black men across the country to run around raping whomever they wanted.

Ironically, Dukakis was portrayed as a flaming liberal while he was centrist in comparison to the competing presidential campaign of Jessie Jackson. Both he and Dukakis's running mate, Texas Senator Lloyd Bentsen publically called the ads 'racist'.

Finally, welfare reform occurred in 1996 because conservative Republicans were long-convinced that 'welfare queens' were abusing the system and were able to convince voters of the stereotypes. Again, the play to racism paid off for the right. Many of the conservative Republicans who were elected in 1994 were more conscious of their need to appear publicly 'inclusive' than was the Wallace-Nixon generation, but they also did race baiting. Carter concedes that President Clinton (who was a moderate Democrat)did sign that same 'welfare reform' measure, but his analysis focuses on how the Congressional Republicans had such an easy time attacking this program.

The Republican Party is now trying to make public overtures out to the African American community. They are publicly repudiating the ethics of the southern strategy as described in Carter's book because it in effect has demonized blacks for votes. Yet, because the strategy was/is wildly successful garnering votes, the GOP is in an ethical bind. Do they forfeit something which they know is a proven vote-getter or do they try to take the high road and imagine what Abraham Lincoln would have done in the 21st century. Carter's research suggests the answer will be ground in political expediency.