Named one of the Ten Best Books about New York City by the New York Times
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Named one of the Ten Best Books about New York City by the New York Times
Eases quietly into a ferociously angry subject... Diane Ravitch affirms her faith in the American dream despite a detailed narrative which suggests, if anything, that education in New York has fairly consistently failed those who needed it most... Meticulously detailed and strains for fairness and impartiality.
(George Levine New York Times )This volume fills an enormous gap in the city's educational history... Scholars are not likely to demolish her principal theme—that the city's educational history reflects its demographic, political, and social history.
(Frederick Shaw Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science )Ravitch asks us to recognize that the public schools cannot solve all the problems of society, and asks us to reconsider catchwords of the moment by reminding us that they echo the slogans of past failures. An excellent work.
(New Yorker )A detailed, absorbing history of the New York City public schools within the context of politics.
(Choice )Ravitch's writing is clear, crisp, unadorned, and forceful. The cast of characters and their achievements are neatly and economically sketched, and the pages enlivened with provocative asides... The public will find The Great School Wars a relevant and informative overview of a critical period, while scholars will be encouraged to look anew at New York's educational history.
(Sol Cohen Teachers College Record )One of the most absorbing, penetrating, and important works of American history to appear in recent years. The Great School Wars, for scope, richness of detail, and intellectual coherence, is an unusual book.
(Jack Chatfield National Review )Diane Ravitch is Research Professor in the School of Education at New York University and holds the Herman and George R. Brown Chair in Education Studies at the Brookings Institution. She was an assistant secretary in the U.S. Department of Education, and she serves on the National Assessment Governing Board. Her publications include Learning from the Past: What History Teaches Us about School Reform and City Schools: Lessons from New York (both available from Johns Hopkins), The Troubled Crusade: American Education, 1945-1980, and Left Back: A Century of Failed School Reforms (forthcoming).
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Most Helpful Customer Reviews
2 of 2 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
Great Historical Analysis of Education in New York City,
By LEON L CZIKOWSKY (Harrisburg, Pa USA) - See all my reviews
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This review is from: The Great School Wars: A History of the New York City Public Schools (Paperback)
Readers learn that, in the beginning of the 20th century, the school reform movement sought and brought the centralization of the New York public school system. A decentralized system of schools was seen as being ripe for corruption.
The author sees a common school system paid for by public taxes as an important creation. She notes that have been and will be conflicts, such as over community control of their schools as was demanded by many Catholics in the 1840s versus the Public School Society, which was controlled by Protestants, and by many African Americans in the 1960s. Some issues, such as church versus state, centralization versus decentralization, and how to best educate low income students have been long term issues that continue to the present. It is important to remember, as many social issues revolve around education policies, that the main objective has to be learning. Public schools have never in their history education virtually every student. That is their mandate, but there appears to be little reason to see how they will accomplish this. Schools have always faced problems imposed by parents with low incomes and by crime. Additional problems have arisen in recent decades with drugs and increased percentages of broken family units. In 1995, 90% of New York high school students were in a school with over 900 students. These problems are enlarging at times when there are fewer job opportunities for unskilled labor, making a good education more of a necessity. The centralized versus decentralized issue includes who should decide where a student attends school. A belief that a parent should choose the school means one rejects the idea that this is the right of a central bureaucracy to so decide. Some support allowing waivers for students to attend charter schools. In addition, a parent has an option to go the private sector to purchase a private school education if the parent has or can arrange for the ability to afford it. The battle between the Roman Catholic Church and the Public School Society in the 1840s led to nonsectarian but secular public schools that allowed nondenominational (but mostly Protestant in appearance) Bible study and prayer. In many school battles, the disagreements often occurred from new arrivals to a community who believed that present values in schools conflicted with their values. Battles were often over such issues as who controls school governance, decentralization versus centralization, and the issue of providing education to children of the poor, all of which issues continue to today, In 1997, New York public students were 37% Hispanic, 36% African American, 15% white, and 11% Asian American. In 1970, these percentages were 25% Hispanic, 38% white, and 1.5% Asian American. The rise in Hispanic and Asian students produced a new element to the traditional battles between newcomers and established elite. This time, the newcomers did not have common concerns, as happened more in the past. Asian students tended to do well and wanted schools to advance their social mobility. Hispanic students tended not to do well and were concerned about preventing dropouts. They sought bilingual education. A 1969 law had the Board of Education being consisted of one appointee of each of the five Borough Presidents and two members appointed by the Mayor. The board appointed a Chancellor to administer the school system. There were also over 30 elected community school boards yet they had little powers as hires and contracts were centralized with the Chancellor. There were relatively few community level decisions. The decentralized boards had problems with corruption. Voter turnout in those elections decreased. Nepotism increased. The teachers union and other interest groups organized and won control of some Boards. In 2000, the four year high school graduation rates were 70% for whites, 66% for Asian Americans, 42% for African Americans, and 38% for Hispanics. The seven year graduation rate for all was 60%. Chancellor Frank Macchiarola instituted promotional grades at grades 4 and 8 where a student who was a grade level behind in reading or two years behind in Math was held back. He issued citywide curriculum guides. He resigned in 1983 and his promotional policy was abandoned. Students moved from grade to grade regardless if they mastered the subject. Charter schools receive public funds and meet certain standards but operate without local school board influence. They offer unique classroom options that attract students. Teachers have more lax standards as long as academic standards are reached. In the 1990s Chancellor Rudolph Crew approved charter schools, froze principal salaries for four years, and gained the power to fire them while insisting they give up their right to tenure. Many principals and other supervisors left for other districts and many vacancies resulted as few then applied for their positions. The author observes each school system reorganization came about after a major battle that emerged during a new wave of immigration. New York education in the 17th century was offered by churches to their members. Some hired tutors. Some private pay schools emerged. The first school that was not religion based was a school for African American children which opened in 1787 by the Manumission Society. New England states formed schools supported by public taxes in the late 18th century. There were strong Calvinist drives in New England for public education. New York embraced this concept a few decades later. In 1795, the New York legislature allocated $50,000 a year for five years in matching funds for local governments to create schools. 1,000 schools with almost 60,000 students emerged. In 1805, the New York state government created a permanent school fund that began awarding funds that began collecting enough money for the schools in 1815. New York city used these 1795 funds for eleven existing schools (ten church schools and one African Free School). No new schools were created. It was decided it would cost too much to create a citywide school system. 52% of the city's children attended a school at some time during 1795-96. Religious groups supported education so men could read the Bible. Religion seen as a means to save souls and reading was therefore considered important. Te Manumission Society and the Family Society, which was mostly Quaker, advocated and created nonsectarian public education. This upset Catholic clergy who wanted Catholic sectarian public education. There was a large immigration of Catholics, mostly Irish, in the 1820s and 1830s. The Manumission Society persuaded New York to create public education and gained business support for taxes to support education. There were two education tracks, one for the poor and another for the wealthier. With the growing number of poor being Catholic, large numbers of the poor students were not being served. The Society's first school opened in 1809 of a cost of $13,000 to build. It included educating 150 girls in a separate classroom as the Female Association's School. Bethel Baptist Church began a school for poor children of all faiths in 1820 and began receiving public funds in 1921. The Bethel Baptist Church paid lower teacher salaries and over-reported expenses. This allowed it enough funds to have three free admission schools. The Free School Society sought to have funds also provided to their schools. The Society argued public funds should not support a church's operations. The public support for universal education grew in the 1820s and 1830s. Governor William Seward in 1838 supported universal public education. Some Catholics attacked public schools over reading the King James version of the Bible. Some claimed the textbooks attacked Catholicism. The Public School Society thought the textbooks were the primary school. Textbooks that offended Catholics were removed. Much of the Catholic opposition to public schools remained. In fact, many of the Catholic priests sought to destroy funding for public schools. In 1841, the Board of Aldermen voted 15-1 that the Catholic schools failed to meet standards to receive public funding. Governor Seward expressed disappointment that New York City was failing to educate Catholic children. Catholics brought their cause before the state legislature. Seward wanted any kind of universal education, either secular or sectarian. The issue was postponed by a Senate committee by a 11-10 vote. 60% of New York City students were in school versus 96% of New York students in the rest of the state. Catholic organizers proved to Tammany Hall Democrats that they needed Catholic votes to win. Most Democrats then opposed funding the Catholic schools. An amendment banning teaching any religious doctrine or tenant in any New York City Schools passed the legislature 65-16. Catholic Bishop John Hughes supported this bill. While it was not what Catholic educators wanted, many Catholics were glad that this bill defunded the Public School Society. The State Senate approved the bill and Governor Seward signed it. A Catholic ticket in the upcoming elections then withdrew and endorsed the Democratic ticket. On election day, rioting in the streets resulted. A group of angry people stoned Bishop Hughes' residence. The militia was sent to protect St. Patrick's Cathedral. Mayor Robert Morris was reelected while Whigs won control of Common Council by 9 to 8. The Board of Education decided Bible reading without teacher commentary was not sectarianism. Many Catholics were... Read more ›
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