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The precise dates of this transformation are not as important as the reasons behind it, however, and the explanation in How We Got Here for what happened is both original and compelling. He says America's midcentury confidence was an anomaly. At some point, "the rebellion of an unmilitary people against institutions and laws formed by a century of war and the preparation for war" was inevitable. Rather than pondering why Americans trust their public institutions today less than they did during the Watergate revelations, for instance, Frum turns the question on its head: Why was the trust so high previous to that experience? His narrative describing the dizzy whirl of progress is absorbing, and his warning against both the nostalgic myths of the past and the uncritical acceptance of recent change is wise. How We Got Here also has a perfect title: there may not be a better book available on the broad currents of American social life in the second half of the 20th century. --John J. Miller --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
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This is the book for anyone who's ever asked, sardonically or not, "How could the nation ever elect Ronald Reagan president?"
Today, many people, young and old, talk about the Reagan years like they some sort of political anomaly. David Frum's excellent deconstruction of the 1970s displaces that notion.
But it's not just about how the depressing 1970s gave way to the go-go 1980s. Frum draws a clear line from the intellectual seeds that were sown in the 1950s and 60s, seeds that didn't bear fruit until the 70s, to the issues that influence public discourse and behavior today.
The crux of Frum's analysis is that the seventies were a decade where America lost its faith in the concept of the "beneficent organization." This disillusionment crossed the political and social spectrum. The values of organizational hierarchy, centralized planning, self-sacrifice for a common goal, social conformity for the sake of community strength-values that sustained the nation through the Depression, World War II and the explosive American economic growth of the 1950s, ceased to have meaning amid the failures of Vietnam, the scandals of Watergate, decline of U.S. industry and the alarming simultaneous growth in inflation and unemployment.
The 1970s particularly marked the limits of the "New Deal" tradition of economic planning that by then was gospel for both Republicans and Democrats. The energy crisis laid bare the ineffectiveness, if not destructiveness, of Nixon's wage-price controls and by extension any other attempt for government to manage markets. Ongoing union corruption, plus the decline of heavy industry and the rise of service-oriented business, marginalized organized labor. Rather than achieve the goal of desegregation, social experimentation such as mandated busing only led to vast white flight and only increased racial separation and the discrepancy in quality of education.
In Frum's analysis, the 1970s marked a major upheaval in how we viewed the individual in relation to social structures-be it government, employers, religious institutions or family. It was, in truth, the "Me Decade." Diversity became more important than unity, personal fulfillment became more important than family responsibility, and desires were redefined as rights.
Although Frum writes from a conservative point of view, he does not view all the achievements of the 70s as bad. He clearly does not advocate going back to earlier times when racism was tolerated, industries from banking to trucking were heavily regulated and gold ownership was illegal. But he does believe that in many cases, a lot of good values, especially individual responsibility, the willingness to defer gratification and the belief in concepts higher than one's self, were discredited wholesale with bad ones.
All in all, the book makes for a very good history lesson. Young people especially may be surprised to learn that less than 30 years ago, mainstream Democrats still viewed the Wall Street investor as a foe of the average wage earner. And far from being embraced by the Conservative Right, American churches were drawing fire for their support of communist activism in Latin America and unilateral nuclear disarmament.
Frum does a wonderfully insightful job of showing the thinking, events and policies that brought these dramatic shifts about.
Frum is an excellent writer, and he provides clear and concise overviews of subjects as complex as the Bretton Woods monetary system, national mental-health policy, the economics of oil and the development of busing as a remedy for school segregation. He pays relatively little attention to popular culture, which is probably a good thing, because most of it was awful. For a fun, intelligent look at the popular culture of the decade, check out Edelstein and McDonugh's lavishly illustrated "The Seventies: From Hot Pants to Hot Tubs," which unfortunately is now hard to find.
A central question of "How We Got Here" is whether America's confidence in the 1950's, which completely fell apart in the 1970's, was an anomaly rather than the norm. A related question is whether the events of the 1970's represent America's return to its "normal" state -- contentious, disparate and often violent -- or the beginning of a steady national decline from which we will never fully recover. Frum seems to believe that midcentury stability was the product of, as he calls it, "special circumstances," and that we shouldn't be overly worried about our country's future. I agree with him, but it's also hard to ignore the evidence of national decline that he presents so compellingly in this book.