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Hubris and the Presidency: The Abuse of Power by Johnson and Nixon [Paperback]

Richard Curtis (Author)
3.5 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (4 customer reviews)

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Book Description

July 20, 2000
It was the worst of times: that dismal decade from 1964 to 1974 - when America's honor was squandered first in Vietnam, then in the White House itself . . . Lyndon Johnson seemed to always get his way - by doing whatever it took. He entered politics through the expediency of buying votes, and he remained in politics through "the Johnson treatment": an extraordinary mix of charm, craftiness, and cruelty. By the time LBJ became Senate majority leader, he was considered the second-most powerful man in Washington. Serving as vice-president under John F. Kennedy was a humbling experience for this man of Texas-sized ego, but those three years would be only a temporary glitch in his political career. When JFK was assassinated, Lyndon Johnson claimed the Oval Office with brash confidence that he would become the most illustrious president of the twentieth century.

LBJ had a vision: a program of sweeping social reform that he called "the Great Society." Whatever Americans wanted or needed, Johnson believed, his administration could provide - and his government could pay for. But LBJ's audacious concepts didn't stop with domestic revolution. He also envisioned a foreign-policy triumph in Vietnam, where vastly superior U.S. forces would defeat the communist insurgency. Lyndon Johnson had miscalculated as few presidents before him. The Vietnam War proved to be unnecessary, unwinnable, unpopular, and unaffordable. With protesters dividing the nation, with the cost of the war skyrocketing, with more and more body bags being shipped home, and with Robert Kennedy deciding to run for the 1968 presidential nomination, Lyndon Johnson fell on his political sword and announced he would not seek reelection. In the end, America's thirty-sixth president, who had promised something for everyone, proved to be not larger than life - but all too human.

His successor, Richard Nixon, was at the other extreme. His promises were for himself and a few wealthy cronies, and his personality seemed to be that of someone who was only imitating human behavior. Yet Nixon's early political career flourished because he had no qualms about accusing his opponents of harboring communist sympathies. As vice-president under Dwight Eisenhower, he became Ike's hatchet man: using whatever slash-and-smear attack worked in that Cold War era.

Moderates were jubilant when Nixon first lost a presidential race against JFK, then two years later when he failed in his bid to become governor of California. But Nixon was a phoenix, rising from the political ashes to win the White House in 1968 - by vowing that he had a secret plan to end the war in Vietnam. Instead, his "secret plan" was a scheme to undermine the rights of U.S. citizens. Nixon staffed the White House with a group of quasi-fascists who were intoxicated by power and disdainful of the law. Under the convenient guise of national security, the Nixon administration used illegal slush funds to place wire-taps and electronic surveillance on journalists; attempted to sabotage the campaigns of Democratic candidates; and ordered the intelligence agencies to investigate the private lives of those considered the President's enemies. But finally Nixon's inner circle made a disastrous decision: to break into Democratic national headquarters at the Watergate office complex. When the burglars were caught, the truth about years of presidential excesses gradually began to be revealed - until Richard Nixon, faced with certain impeachment and criminal charges, resigned from office. This fascinating study portrays two men who might have been among America's greatest presidents - but who instead became victims of their own hubris. Follow the remarkable lives of Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon as they begin their political ascendancy through ingratiation and deference; as they use opportunism to climb ever-higher on the political ladder; as they exploit those who can better their careers; as their successes breed arrogance. And follow an inevitable downward spiral, as their mounting political problems trigger paranoia, then isolation, and finally self-destruction.


Product Details

  • Paperback: 760 pages
  • Publisher: Rutledge Books (July 20, 2000)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 1582440867
  • ISBN-13: 978-1582440866
  • Product Dimensions: 7.8 x 5.1 x 1 inches
  • Shipping Weight: 1 pounds (View shipping rates and policies)
  • Average Customer Review: 3.5 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (4 customer reviews)
  • Amazon Best Sellers Rank: #7,031,758 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

 

Customer Reviews

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Average Customer Review
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2 of 2 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars The Power of "Hubris", April 10, 2001
By 
Paul Cohen (Homosassa, FL United States) - See all my reviews
This review is from: Hubris and the Presidency: The Abuse of Power by Johnson and Nixon (Paperback)
I've just put down Richard Curtis' book, "Hubris and the Presidency," and it has left me with a great sadness. It leaves one with a sense of shame, almost,that such a glorious conception as democracy has become so subverted, and perverted, as to have become a battle between two almost indistinguishable groups of politicians intent on maintaining their positions of power, and access to the money derived thereby. What makes me the saddest, however, is the realization, through the examples Curtis has chosen, that it might be said that any president (or other politician) will pay the price of overwhelming hubris eventually even if he was not born with traits that encouraged the development of that hubris in the extreme in the presidency.

The quote on page 613 by David Frost, in trying to pin Nixon down on how he justified the illegalities he (Nixon) had resorted to, tells a great deal about my hypothesis: "Nixon's answer will probably resonate throughout history as the epitome of an hubristic president: 'Well, when the president does it, that means it is not illegal.'"

Since I was teethed on the age of FDR, and have lived through many and varying types of presidencies since then, we feel most acutely the risk that any mere man must run if he is to persuade his party he can persuade the electorate to make him president. Although few presidents have reached the horrifying levels of pure criminality permitted by that hubris as LBJ and RMN with Vietnam and Watergate, if the lives and deeds of others before and after them were examined as closely as Curtis does these two, the similarities, I am sure, would be even more striking than appears to us through limited memory alone.

I am also mightily impressed by the sheer volume of research, from details of their lives to the quotes of those who "knew them when." More significantly, I am impressed with Richard Curtis' ability to pull it all together in such a masterly way that one can read through the whole thing and find a sense of continuity, a nice flow, as it were, to the narration in support of his thesis, that one can indeed finish such a lengthy book, and one of such intensity, without flinging one's hands up in despair at the sheer volume of the material. I am really impressed!

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5.0 out of 5 stars Hubris: the bane of all President, February 28, 2001
By 
Joseph C. Farah (Indianapolis, IN) - See all my reviews
This review is from: Hubris and the Presidency: The Abuse of Power by Johnson and Nixon (Paperback)
Hubris and the Presidency: The Abuse of Power by Johnson and Nixon is an intriguing and well-balanced book about the modern American presidency.

The central thesis of Hubris is that excessive pride and self-confidence (what the Ancient Greeks called "hubris") intoxicates American presidents and eventually is the cause of their eventual downfall and self-destruction.

There are thirteen concepts that comprise hubris in Curtis's schema ranging from delegation and confrontation to paranoia, isolation and "immolation" (being consumed by the flames of political ambition and misdeeds.) Curtis devotes a chapter on each concept to both Johnson and Nixon. What results from this parallel, back-to-back presentation is a careful and examination of the characters and foilables of each man and how thier egos, inflexibility and faulty decisions consumed them.

Secondly, what emerges from the book is an interesting blend of history, psychology and political analysis, written in a lively story-telling style that appeals both to the scholarly, as well as the general reader. There are a lot of interesting facts about the Office of the President that are both revealing and illustrative of how the ever-increasing costs, complexity and power of the Office contribute to hubris. Patterns of presidential behavior, which at the time seemed unreasonable, with hindsight, fit the hubris model.

Finally, one clear conclusion of Hubris is how complicated the modern American presidency has become. It is no longer the stuff of great national myths. Instead, it has become a window for showcasing national character flaws and to pillory any individual who holds the office and dares to damage the American mystique.

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0 of 1 people found the following review helpful:
2.0 out of 5 stars Great Start, Painfully Long and Poor Finish, April 12, 2002
By A Customer
This review is from: Hubris and the Presidency: The Abuse of Power by Johnson and Nixon (Paperback)
I started this book with much anticipation and for the first couple of hundred pages or so it did not disappoint. The discussion of and facts concerning the interaction of Johnson and Nixon with the people around them was extremely interesting, and revealed much about their "hubris" (i.e. how each of them treated their families and associates was very interesting). Then... well the author began an ethics lesson with painfully long discussions at the beginning of each chapter regarding the various levels of hubris without really, in my opinion, applying them clearly to Johnson or Nixon. In second half of the book, he continually referenced to their respective actions regarding Vietnam and Watergate (in Nixon's case), as examples of hubris. Clearly Johnson and Nixon displayed hubris in how each acted during and in response to such events and clearly such events were huge during that time, but how often can you reference to the same events as examples of hubris. In addition, I'd be surprised if the author missed any historical quote regarding hubris, even remotely, from any recognizable historical figure.. there were, it seemed, hundreds of quotes, which slowed me down considerably. Finally, there were some glaring incorrect statments in the book such as, for example, toward the end there is a passage about a possible Nixon impeachment trial in the Senate before Chief Justice Rehnquist!!!!! Warren Burger would have presided.

Again, not bad, but too long and bogged down with repetition, ethical sermonizing and needless and endless quotes.

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