Customer Reviews

Hugo Chávez: Oil, Politics, and the Challenge to the U.S.

5 star:		(4)
4 star:		(8)
3 star:		(0)
2 star:		(1)
1 star:		(5)

 

 

This book is an excellent primer on Chavez, warts and all. The challenge to the US Kozloff delineates fully and articulately, not least by spending ample time revealing his subject's severe awakening to political and global realities through prison, failure, and a lightning quick mind. The first three chapters patiently define the origins of Chavez's political consciousness, and make the rest of the book more important and substantial. Chapter 3 - 'TINA - There Is No Alternative' - is especially helpful in getting to the root of who Chavez is, and who he might become, and why his appears to be a success with unlimited possibilities in terms of resisting the hegemony of American foreign policy. True, Kozloff is an admirer of sorts, but he pulls no punches. There is much to be admired in Hugo Chavez, as the world witnessed during his recent no-nonsense address to the UN, where he clearly distinguished himself as a determined, even poetic, global thinker. Chapter 4 takes its time outlining the nefarious meddling of Gustavo Cisneros, documenting along the way Cisneros' cozying up to George Herbert Liquor Bush. This is one of the few books around casting a clear-headed overview of the IMF, the disastrous effects of NAFTA, and the early White House plots against Chavez involving Otto Reich (Lockheed Martin), Pedro Carmona, and the CIA. These ideas are fully documented throughout the book with 65 pages of scrupulously detailed notes. One of the most interesting findings in the pages of this book is the struggle against racism represented by Hugo Chavez. His grasp of world affairs and his love for Venezuela come to be seen as inseparable from that honorable struggle. An excellent antidote to the prevailing American government line, it's also an essential look at the aiding and abetting committed by American corporate media in conformist manipulation. A must read.

This is a well written study of Chavez's rise and battle with American inspired/directed/financed efforts to destabilize his regime. Clearly, the author is sympathetic with the global efforts to resist IMF (i.e., US) hegemony and sees Chavez as a prime leader. Of course, most Americans blindly believe the lies that routinely emerge from our corrupt governement sources, but Kozloff paints a picture, perhaps sometimes too rosey, of Chavez's efforts to socialize his deeply-divided country. Maybe a little more discussion of Chavez's sometimes repressive methods (completely justified in my view when one considers how insidious American subversive efforts have been and still are) would have been warranted also. Though I despise Bush as much as any red-blooded American patriot should, I found Kozloff's constant references to how scared/terrified/concerned Bush and his gang would be by such and such an action of Chavez's to be off-putting and tediously redundant. I thought Kozloff should have devoted more space to Venezuela's dealings with OPEC since oil is part of the title and would have liked more on Chavez's foreign policy maneuverings outside Latin America, but obviously he decided to limit the size of the book. All in all, a sound and somewhat personal recounting.

It is hard to find an objective account of South American politics. It is MUCH harder to find an objective account of Hugo Chavez. This book comes very close.

Full disclosure: I didn't finish this book. I made it about a third of the way through and I just couldn't take it any longer. I was greased up and ready to read a critical analysis of one of the most important figures of the last fifteen years in international politics. I wanted to be challenged and educated.

What I got was a thin read that made me feel like a right wing reactionary because I had a hard time believing crowds of people hum a national anthem while comitting property crimes. Or that a mass demonstration without an underpinning constitutes a revolution, as in the Seattle WTO riots. The chapters read like fluffed magazine articles, and frankly, I could care less where the author spent his time studying and planning his next demonstration. If the timing had been right, I wouldn't be surprised to see a few paragraphs about having tea with Oliver Stone.

There may be a great book in Chavez's story, but this isn't it. One star bonus for benefit-of-the-doubt: Those with a head apparently more level than mine who can make it to the end, might find an oil pot at the end of the rainbow. But I doubt it.

Nikolas Kozloff's "Hugo Chavez" is a worthwhile, informative read. The author is well-versed in Latin American history and politics, having studied them extensively. As well, he has lived in Venezuela and other parts of South America and traveled frequently throughout the region. The book is concise (there are actually fewer than 200 pages excluding endnotes) and covers the topic admirably.

The subject of the book, Hugo Chavez, is currently the preeminent symbol of the ideological battle pitting the "Washington consensus" or "neoliberal" policies championed by the IMF versus the widespread populist push to the left seen today throughout much of Latin America. While one can point to apparent IMF success stories in Asia, one must also acknowledge that the IMF agenda has done little to benefit most residents of the Latin American nations. Kozloff's book does an excellent job of showing the reasons why so many in the region are discontented and anxious for a new economic and political direction. Regardless of a reader's ideological leanings, Kozloff's examination of the region can only help inform one's own opinions.

For me, the latter chapters were particularly beneficial. There the discussion expands beyond Chavez and Venezuela to the regional indigenous peoples movement, as well as to the lives and political careers of many of Chavez's South American counterparts: Lula of Brazil, Kirchner of Argentina, Morales of Bolivia, Vazquez of Uraguay, Uribe of Columbia, and Correa's predecessors in Ecuador. This information taken in sum creates a good big picture view of the political currents moving across Latin America today.

While I recommend this book, I feel I should point out that it sometimes suffers from poor editing. I spotted 15 or 20 obvious typos. A paragraph in chapter four reappears in chapter six with only slightly altered wording. Some paragraphs have conflicts in tense or are otherwise poorly worded. The reader's concentration is broken far too often, and as a result, the flow of the book suffers. Having said that, I feel the information contained in the text more than offsets the flawed editing.

I've been reading quite a bit about Venezuela lately, and this books stands as one of my favorites. Kozloff did an especially good job covering Chávez' activities on the international stage, his restructuring of the oil industry, and his work with regional economic/political integration. I also like how Kozloff brings in his own personal experiences as a student, and later as a social science researcher, discussing how his personal political ideology clashed with his preconceptions of Chávez, and how that changed over time as he learned more about what was happening in Venezuela. Anyhow, this is a concise, informative, and engaging read, and I'd highly recommend it for a primer on contemporary Venezuelan affairs.

Provides an alternative view of Chavez from that of our government and the corporate media. Chavez was elected and re-elected democratically by the Venezuelan people with strong majorities. If you believe in democracy--which some on the right claim to do--that should also season your opinion of Chavez. Nobody says that you have to like Chavez, but try being a little more accurate in your use of terms like "dictator."

I found the book to be fairly informative. The author's adulation of Chavez was a little disconcerting at times. There is some degree of hagiography at work here. Also, the author does make some asides in his writing that really could be left out. The defeated conservative candidate for the Bolivian presidency is characterized as wearing a "red polo shirt." This is opposed to the native dress of the successful leftist candidate, who wears a more native costume. Some of these remarks could have been easily left out.

Still, I agree with the author that globalization and US economic dominance of Latin America are not good things. The push for more regional autonomy for Latin America on the part of Chavez and other South American leadership makes a lot of sense in the long run. He who lives by Wall Street, quite literally, can die by Wall Street. "Fair trade" and justice for all. I also agree with the author that Chavez's attempts to alleviate the conditions of the Venezuelan poor are most admirable. His populist, "middle road" approach seems to me to make a great deal of sense.

However, I would criticize the author for his seeming support of Chavez's position on supporting the growing of coca. If the coca were to be only used locally in Bolivia, Ecuador, etc. that is one thing. But this is the essential part of the multi-billion dollar cocaine trade out of Latin America. No US administration could fail to take actions against this trade. White liberal guilt should neither excuse or enable this trade. The production and promotion of cocaine is both criminal and morally bankrupt. I agree there need to be alternatives. But no one can sell me the line that this is the only activity that the poor of the Andes are capable of. If we cannot agree across political boundaries that hard drugs are not acceptable, I don't know what we can agree upon.

"Hugo Chavez" offers an alternative to the negative perspectives provided by Washington sources. Kozloff's reporting of actions by those opposing Chavez undermines claims that Chavez is a dictator, and reports elsewhere of IMF/World Bank/free trade negative impacts on other South/Central American nations support Chavez's opposition.

Venezuela is the 4th largest oil supplier to the U.S., providing about 12% of our oil-based energy. In the late 1990's, Venezuela was producing well over its OPEC quota, oil industry workers and managers were doing very well, and the government's share of oil exports had fallen from 66% to 33%. This provided the basis for Chavez's successful run for office.

Upon election he reduced production and supported OPEC, along with providing cheap oil to Cuba - undermining U.S. efforts to undermine Castro. He then worked to block the FTAA. Shortly afterwards, Chavez was temporarily overthrown by a group credibly believed to have been supported by the U.S. Fortunately, for Chavez, his foresight and large public support quickly restored him to power. He then further boosted public support by assigning public policy roles to the military - eg. helping peasants build houses, fishermen repair equipment, and providing medical services. To reduce the likelihood of American meddling, Chavez booted American military advisers, stopped training Venezuelans in American military academies, and ended cooperation with the DEA.

Chavez went on to buy 100,000 AK-47s from Russia - when Rumsfeld expressed concern, Chavez explained the nation's small arms were 50 years old and they had been having problems with lawlessness caused by drug activity on its border with Columbia.

Links with and below-market oil support for Columbia, Argentina, Uruguay, and Ecuador have made Chavez a popular regional leader as well. Chavez is now also creating ties in the U.S. via below-market oil sales of heating oil to poor minorities in the Boston, NYC, and Chicago areas.

If mainstream news leaves you with more questions than answers, read this book. It's accurate and informative. Latin America is not full of crazy, misguided people as many of us here believe. If your a fan of right wing radio, you will no doubt hate this book, but anyone with a desire to learn will appreciate it.

Hugo Chavez clearly is an alternative to free enterprise capitalism. This book enables one to understand Chavez background and what made him the man he is today.

Every person should read this excellent biography (of sorts) and gain sufficient insight so as to make a sound personal decision about his time now in Venezuela.