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52 of 61 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars
Very informative, November 5, 2005
This review is from: Hugo Chavez: The Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela (Paperback)
The events of this weekend in Mar Del Plata, Argentina have again shown that Hugo Chavez is a man to be reckoned with on the world stage. Adored by many, vilified by others, he has arrived on the scene of Venezuelan politics in a manner that has raised the ire of many in the world, especially the yellow regime that currently holds the reigns of power in Washington, D.C. Readers who are curious about Chavez will get a fairly detailed overview of his life in this book. The author is clearly biased towards Chavez, but given the nature of the western press these days, one can view this bias as a kind of historical countervailing power, an alternative to the diluted treatment of Venezuelan history that one is often confronted with. The author has spent much time in Venezuela, and has interviewed Chavez personally, and so readers can gain at least some confidence that the author knows what he is talking about.
It is readily apparent when reading the book that the author feels that the policies and politics of Hugo Chavez should be understood in the context of the life and works of Simon Bolivar, the popular revolutionary of the early nineteenth century who was attempting to liberate some areas of South America from Spanish rule. The `Bolivarian revolution', as it is now called, is one in which Chavez definitely wants to be identified with, and one that involves uniting the peoples of Latin America in order to counter the "imperial power of the north." A community of nations and states will form this alliance, with priority given to the three areas that surround Venezuela, namely the Caribbean, the Amazon, and the Andes. This would also involve creating a military alliance, which Chavez viewed as a kind of `Latin American Nato' (but not including the United States).
The author describes in great detail the coup attempt on February 4, 1992 that was instigated and carried out by Chavez with the assistance of five army units. The coup was doomed from the start, for the government of President Carlos Andres Perez had found out about it a day earlier. Certainly a daring move by Chavez, and one that sheds considerable light on his personality, which is described by the author as extroverted, confrontational, and argumentative. Chavez apparently wanted to overthrow the Venezuelan government as far back as 1982, at which time he began organizing a group called the Bolivarian Revolutionary Movement. This group, called a "study circle" by the author, was supposed to be based on the teachings and philosophy of Ezequiel Zamora, Simon Bolivar, and Simon Rodriguez. Even with its emphasis on social and political philosophy, it is still difficult to view Chavez and other members of the Bolivarian Revolutionary Movement as being intellectuals. If they were, they were certainly of the Sartrian type, and believed that thoughts must be translated into action.
One organization that is often mentioned in the western press these days is the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), which is usually characterized as a Marxist guerilla army, financed by drug money, and that is participating in the current civil war in Columbia. The author characterizes FARC as being an organization that is sympathetic with the Bolivarian views of Chavez, and that Chavez feels the same towards FARC, since Chavez wants to re-create the "Gran Columbia" of Bolivar: an alliance of Venezuela, Colombia, and Ecuador. FARC has become apparently become a formidable force in Columbia, and its support by the Chavez government has antagonized the Columbian government. FARC is now considered to be a "terrorist organization" by the government of Alvaro Uribe Velez, which receives heavy support from the U.S. government (quoted as $3.9 billion dollars by the author). The author writes of the U.S. support of the attack against FARC in 1964 by the Columbian army, but does not give detailed evidence for this.
And what of current U.S. involvement in the affairs of Venezuela? The author discusses in fair detail this involvement, but not as much as needed to make objective assessments as to the intentions of the U.S. government. The US does have access to the airports in the Dutch Antilles, which is offshore from Venezuela, and made requests (the author describes this as "putting pressure") on the Chavez government to allow flights over Venezuela as part of their "war on drugs" against Columbia. Chavez did not permit these flights, resulting in further antagonism between him and the US. As far as the coup attempt in 2002 against the Chavez government, the author cites a CIA intelligence brief as evidence that the US had prior knowledge of it. The author further claims that the coup leaders had the explicit consent from the US (the leaders having visited Washington several times), but he does not cite the detailed evidence for these claims. Apparently Miguel Angel Cortes, the Spanish minister for Ibero-American cooperation, revealed that as many as six phone calls were made to Otto Reich at the US State Department (who is a former US ambassador to Caracas), and that Reich was definitely supporting the coup plotters. The author also claims that the bishops of the Catholic Church in Venezuela were involved in the planning of the coup, but he does not cite evidence for this claim either. The author though gives the minute details of the coup as it unfolded, and how Chavez managed to regain control of the Venezuelan government.
The reading of this book, the viewing of the political speeches of Chavez, and the perusal of the many blogs discussing Venezuelan politics certainly sheds light on the politics and ethical standards of Chavez. Even if one agrees with his political opinions, or even with his stand against the yellow regime of Washington DC, it must be remembered that he at one time did not hesitate to initiate the use of force. Extreme skepticism must therefore be applied to Chavez, as it must to every other living politician.
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37 of 50 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
Towards a revolutionary and united South America, December 20, 2005
This review is from: Hugo Chavez: The Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela (Paperback)
"Hugo Chavez and the Bolivarian Revolution" by veteran journalist Richard Gott introduces us to the important struggle against neoliberalism being waged by the people of Venezuela and its charismatic leader, Hugo Chavez. This underreported story is told with skill, verve and clarity by Gott, whose first-hand reporting and intelligent historical analysis have combined to produce an engaging and fascinating book that should appeal to a wide audience.
We learn that Chavez' roots in the Venezuelan countryside and his family's support of populist causes helped to shape his core values, including the belief that military power might be used to secure social and economic justice. Gott describes how the neoliberal policies of the 1980s and early 1990s first led to social unrest and then emboldened Chavez, whose first coup attempt while serving in the Venezuelan armed forces in 1992 proved to be unsuccessful. However, the phrase "por ahora" (for now) that Chavez uttered at his arrest thrust Chavez into the spotlight and captured the public's imagination. Eventually, the ongoing and widespread disgust with Venezuela's notoriously incompetent and corrupt government helped Chavez easily win election to the Presidency in 1998.
At first glance, Chavez' Bolivarian Revolution resembles nothing more than a strong social/democratic state, wherein revenues from the national oil company allows the government to shower benefits onto its citizens. However, the Chavez administration's recognition of indigenous and minority rights and its substantive economic reforms belies a much more progressive agenda when compared with, say, the so-called social welfare governments of North America and Europe. Domestically, Chavez is seeking to improve the standard of living through an uniquely empowered form of citizenship; internationally, Chavez wants to create a political and military consortium that is dedicated to protecting the people and resources of South America from continuing exploitation by multinational corporations.
Gott also compares and contrasts Chavez with his political ally Fidel Castro in order to differentiate the Venezuelan revolutionary experience with Cuba's. Whereas Castro had looked to the independence-minded Jose Marti for inspiration, Chavez draws upon Simon Bolivar to imagine an united South America. Interestingly, the Chavez/Castro relationship appears to be mutually reinforcing, so that while socialistic Cuba is striving to become more democratic, democratic Venezuela is working to become more socialistic.
The analysis presented by Gott helps us understand that Chavez' challenge to U.S. hegemony in the hemisphere is very real, and in fact the election in December, 2005 of a socialist government in Bolivia suggests that the political dynamics may well have been permanently altered. Little wonder, then, why small-minded reactionaries such as Pat Robertson have no response to the Bolivarian Revolution than to call for its most outspoken leader's assassination. But if you are interested in getting the real story and in forming your own opinions, you are encouraged to read this timely and enlightening book. Highly recommended!
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13 of 18 people found the following review helpful:
3.0 out of 5 stars
An informative but one-sided view, April 7, 2006
This review is from: Hugo Chavez: The Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela (Paperback)
I'm of two minds on this book. On one hand, Gott is clearly an admirer of Chavez and he is a supporter of Chavismo, which colors his analysis. On the other hand, even for those who aren't favorably disposed to Chavez, the book is useful and interesting.
Gott buys into the rhetoric of Chavismo without question. The U.S. is routinely described as an "Empire" that wants to "rule the world" (p. 13). It is okay to fault U.S. policy but there is little evidence it seeks to rule the world. He also buys into phony populist arguments such the assertion that foreign debt was "forced" on developing countries by international banks (p. 51). On the same page he admits Venezuela "rashly borrowed", well, was the Venezuelan government complicit in the debt run-up or not? You get the sense Gott knows better but just can't resist spouting knee-jerk populist rhetoric. He also exaggerates the U.S. role in the 2002 coup attempt, as Chavez also does. A CIA analysis is cited on page 223, but what it contains could have been gleemed from reading the Venezuelan press in the period before the coup. The U.S. certainly welcomed the coup but the evidence of active involvement is pretty thin.
The book is interesting for the background it gives. The information on Chavez's formative years is useful in its own right. He is candid when he describes how some leftists have had falling outs with Chavez. Gott also explains why the opposition misjudged their support (and opposition to Chavez) by relying on polling data that didn't accurately sample the lower classes where support for Chavez is strongest.
For people interested in Venezuela and Chavismo, it is a worthwhile read but don't expect much objectivity.
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