As the Palestinian Liberation Organization engages in negotiations with Israel toward an interim period of limited Palestinian self-rule, this timely book provides an insider's view of how the growing hold of Islamic fundamentalism in the West Bank and Gaza challenges the peace process. Working from interviews with leaders of the movement and from primary documents, Ziad Abu-Amr traces the origin and evolution of the fundamentalist organizations Muslim Brotherhood (Hamas) and Islamic Jihad and analyzes their ideologies, their political programs, their sources of support, and their impact on Palestinian society. With a solid grasp of the dynamics of these movements, Abu-Amr charts the struggle between the fundamentalists and the PLO to define the identity of Palestinian society, its direction, and its leadership.
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Book Description
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Editorial Reviews
From Publishers Weekly
Though it does not include the response to the recent peace negotiations between Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization, this book is a worthwhile expert's guide to the history, strategy and thinking of the Muslim Brotherhood, noted for its political wing, Hamas, and the smaller, more purist Islamic Jihad. The two growing Islamic fundamentalist groups have been challenging the authority of the secular, nationalist PLO. Abu-Amr, a political science professor at Birzeit University on the West Bank, has a dry academic style, but he draws valuably from a range of Arabic sources and personal interviews. He charts the groups' roles in the intifada , which began in 1987, including the Muslim Brotherhood's evolution from a nonviolent group to armed resistance through Hamas. This move brought the Brotherhood closer to the previously hostile Islamic Jihad. The author concludes that the Palestinian secular tradition and the desire for pluralism may hamper the Islamic movement; but he also predicts that if the PLO fails to achieve self-determination, Hamas and Islamic Jihad, which have links to a growing world Islamic movement, will continue to gain influence.
Copyright 1994 Cahners Business Information, Inc.
From Library Journal
Abu-Amr (political science, Birzeit Univ., Israel's West Bank) traces the development of Islamic fundamentalism among the Palestinians of Gaza and the West Bank by examining the origins, programs, and personalities of the Muslim Brotherhood and Islamic Jihad. This work delineates the often tangled relationship between the largely secular PLO and the fundamentalist groups. While the PLO has concentrated on creating a secular Palestinian state, it is willing to compromise on the amount of land needed. The fundamentalists see Palestine as a step toward the creation of an Islamic state; they believe that no part of the Islamic homeland can be surrendered. The significant struggle being waged in the Middle East today may be between the secular and fundamentalist forces throughout the area, and this work is a significant addition to the literature on this topic. Recommended for academic and large public libraries.
Robert Andrews, Duluth P.L., Minn.
Copyright 1994 Reed Business Information, Inc.
Robert Andrews, Duluth P.L., Minn.
Copyright 1994 Reed Business Information, Inc.
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4.0 out of 5 stars
Interesting Both As History and Analysis,
By
This review is from: Islamic Fundamentalism in the West Bank and Gaza: Muslim Brotherhood and Islamic Jihad (Indiana Series in Arab and Islamic Studies) (Paperback)
Keep in mind that this book was written in 1994. Much has happened in the intervening time, but the ideological roots are largely consistent with current practice.For the most part discussion centred on Hamas and the even more radical Islamic Jihad. At the time of writing Hamas was largely populist but lacked the bureaucratic trappings. The income for the organization comes from dispute settlement, private charitable donations (zakat) both domestic and foreign, esp. through the Muslim Brotherhood. (I would add Syria and Libyan government sources are likely as well.) Initially there was also support for the predecessor organization to Hamas from Israel for the building of schools and mosques as the theory was that increased religiousity amongst the Palestinian Arabs would take away support from the Communists and the PLO.
The author begins by characterizing Palestinian society in recent history being made up of secularist. The rise of fundamentalism can be linked to recent to history. 1947 was thought of as a defeat for Arab liberal thought (though he author not make clear why), just as Israel's 1967 victory over Nasser was seen as a defeat for pan-Arab socialism and nationalism which was followed by growing support for localized nationalism. Before 1967 the Muslim Brotherhood might have had 700-1000 members in the West Bank and Gaza, largely because the group was both out of favour with and illegal in Jordan and Egypt since the mid 1950s due to an attempt by members of the Brotherhood on Nasser's life. Post '67 we see the growth of of the PLO. The affirmation of the PLO in Rabat in 1974 was seen as overcoming the negatives of the defeat of Black September in 1970, however the fact that Egypt's 1973 war, viewed as a success from the Arab side, took place during Ramadan, was seen as evidence of Divine support. In November 1982 the the PLO was expelled from Lebanon, a sign of underlying weakness, increasing the appeal of religion. Palestine as an issue was ignored a tthe Amman Summit of 1987 and the the "Jordanian Development Plan" was scoffed at, for reasons not mentioned by the author but probably because Jordan was broke and could not deliver. However the MB opposed Jordan's disengagement (retreat from paying municipal salaries) from the West Bank in 1998. Ultimately it was the 1st Intifadeh (1987-93) and its use of violence that transformed Hamas into a legitimate player in the political landscape. Like the MB, Hamas has maintained a policy of ambiguity regarding national ambitions. Indeed, the strategy given for the MB "is to establish an Islamic state next to Israel as a base for an Islamic movement in Palestine." Nor does Hamas as an offshoot of the brotherhood "make any distinction between Jews, Zionists and Israelis. Insistence on the term 'Jews' reflects the religious nature of the conflict". (pp26) The main competition for Hamas is seen as the PLO where the revolutionary zeal of the Marxist leaning PLO is replaced by the religious zeal; the two organizations have often clashed violently.(see: pp46) In the 1992 Nablus civic elections PLO candidates ran under the banner of the "Muslim Nationalist Trend". As in the US, politicians need to trot out their religious affiliations in order to garner support. Islamic Jihad, which emerged from Palestinian students who were studying in Egypt, draws its inspiration from the Shiite Iranian regime and feels that most Arab leaders are traitors to the Palestinian cause and accusing them of "apostasy from Islam". Aside from the Ayatollah Khomeini the group also draws inspiration from some of the same roots as the MB, ie: Hasan al Bana who is seen as reconciling Salafism and Muslim Reform, Sayid Qutb and Izzd al Din Qassam. Israel and Jews are considered to be the standard bearers of Western corruption whose purpose is "to humiliate and subjugate the Ummah. Therefore Israel must be annihilated" and this is seen as a religious duty. This isn't much different than the position of the MB and Hamas, but whereas the former wish to first establish an Islamic state, IJ believes that jihad should come first and that an Islamic State will naturally follow. In general I was impressed with the coverage of this book. What I felt was missing was some discussion of the relationship between the moderate traditionalist Muslim community and the fundamentalist groups who see them as a base of recruitment. A second problem was the lack of emphasis on differences between town and country or regional differentiation - the only time this seemed to come up was in the mention of Christian influence on education, primarly within range of Bethlehem, Ramallah and Jerusalem. Ziad Abu-Amr, who hails from Gaza, has been mentioned as a possible compromise candidate between Hamas and the PLO for Palestinian President. While this book reveals only a little about his own leanings it does hilite the strength of his ability to consider and analyze others. It certainly enhanced my own understanding.
1 of 18 people found the following review helpful:
1.0 out of 5 stars
what the hell is islamism?,
By
This review is from: Islamic Fundamentalism in the West Bank and Gaza: Muslim Brotherhood and Islamic Jihad (Indiana Series in Arab and Islamic Studies) (Paperback)
who made that up? i am a muslim so i guess that makes me an islamist. its just like people who follow marx are called marxists, so people who follow islam are islamists right? how retarded, i dont waste my time with any book that uses mindless vocabulary like "islamism"
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