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213 of 234 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
Exceptional insight. Required reading., April 10, 2006
The Professor and Head of Mediterranean Studies at King's College, University of London has here provided a fascinating insight into what he sees as the deep undercurrents permeating both the prevailing situation in the Middle East, and indeed many sections of the International community at this time.
While analysing the different mind-sets and conflicting interpretations as to the root cause behind the 9/11 attacks, the book scrutinises the contention that Islam has allegedly nurtured dreams of world conquest since it's outset in the 7th century AD.
The eminently readable & well written study, that is replete with references/maps, begins with a quotation from the farewell address of the Prophet Muhammad dated March 632AD; - "I was ordered to fight all men until they say `There is no God but Allah' ".
Defining the conquering of foreign lands and the subsequent subjugation of their populations as "imperialism", the investigation then proceeds to expound how this is what the Prophet Muhammad specifically asked of his followers after having fled from his hometown of Mecca in 622AD to Medina, where he is described as then becoming a political and military leader.
Through a detailed historical commentary, the reader is confronted with how Islam then allegedly began to strive towards the creation of what is cited as a new universal order, in which the whole of humanity would embrace Islam or live under it's domination. The book elaborating as to how Islam expanded into what is described as a "universal religion that knew or recognised no territorial or national boundaries".
The vehicle for this growth being what the book cites as the call to "Jihad", with the reader being shown how the latter became a rallying call for worldwide domination that still consumes Islamic and Middle Eastern politics to this very day.
At the closure of this excellent study it is alleged that Osama bin Laden, in what is cited as the historical imagination of many Arabs and Muslims, is nothing short of the new "incarnation" of Saladin.
A statement clarified in the text with the assertion that the House of Islam's "war for world mastery" is far from over.
I would personally recommend this timely and detailed book to anyone with an interest in the history of Islam, the Middle East and the ongoing situation in the region. It is an excellent addition to anyone's library.
Also recommended "The Legacy of Jihad: Islamic Holy War and the Fate of Non-Muslims" by Andrew G Bostom and "Jihad in the West; Muslim Conquests from the 7th to the 21st Centuries" by Paul Fregosi.
Thank you.
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180 of 205 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
Brilliantly original, April 29, 2006
For the last 100 years Academics have weaved a web of distortion regarding the role of political and temporal Islam in world history. We have been told that the `bad' West invented slavery, racism and imperialism and that because of these terrors the world's problems must all be blamed on western colonialism. This startlingly original book dares to turns the tables on this interpretation. In fact it was Islam that first colonized the West, it was Islamic armies, of African slaves, who invaded France in the 8th century, and Islam then colonized southern Italy and Spain where it created societies where the majority ethnically indigenous Christian population was discriminated against and enslaved. Then Islam colonized eastern Europe where it enslaved Slavs, then it was on to colonize central Asia and India in the 11th century. Then it was eastern Africa and areas near the west coast of Africa where Islamic empires and `sultanates' invaded Africa in order to export slaves.
By 1700 the Islamic empire in Africa and India, eastern Europe and the Middle East merely mirrored what the European empire of 1900 would look like. It was Islamic empire that first deported 11 million Africans for sexual and military slavery. When one blames American `imperialism' for Bin Laden's terrorism, one should recall that it was first Islam that colonized Europe, it was the minaret and mosque that were first symbols of oppression, not the cross and the sword. Many will find this book unsettling because it dares to challenge the traditional interpretation of history where the West is `evil' and Islam is portrayed as the victim.
Seth J. Frantzman
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105 of 119 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
A Convincing take on Radical Islam, May 21, 2006
Professor Karsh's book is significant because the author questions the traditional assumption that Western Imperialism or Colonialism created the serious scourge of Islamic extremism which now plagues various diverse countries in the world stretching from Egypt, Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan and Indonesia amongst others. Instead, the author observes that the primary causes of Islamic extremism is not simply a response to Western meddling in their nations but rather a deep rooted impulse in the traditional Islamic belief system where Muslims are directed to expand Islamic power and religion throughout the world. Karsh notes that many "Arabs and Muslims [still] unabashedly pine for the restoration of Spain" under Muslim control even though Spain has been lost to the Islamic world for centuries since the Fall of Granada in 1492. Similiarly, Osama bin Laden himself wistfully referred to "the tragedy of Andalusia" (ie: Granada) after the September 11, 2001 attacks as if to suggest that Muslims were still the rightful owners of Spain in the 21st Century rather than mere colonial occupiers here.
The wish to renew Islam's past medieval imperial glories and proselytise the world pervades the mindset of a significant portion of Muslims. This development is not surprising since the prophet Muhammad himself molded the new religion of Islam with Arab Imperialism when he asked his followers "to strive for a new universal order in which the whole of humanity would embrace Islam or live under its domination." Muhammad's vision was realised after his death with the expansion of Islamic power from Arabia into North Africa, Turkey, parts of the Balkans, the Crimea and Central Asia under succeeding Muslim Empires such as the Ummayads (who conquered Spain), the Abbasids and, finally, the Ottomans. This desire to expand Islam's global reach and recreate a global Islamic caliphate under Muslim rule helps to explain the mass terrorism of 9/11, according to the author. In Karsh's view, September 11 was neither a punishment for previous US interference in the Middle East nor an expression of hatred toward American culture or political freedoms but rather a reaction to the basic reality that America's position as a great power essentially hindered all "Arab and Islamic imperalist aspirations [to eliminate Israel, expand Islamic power into Europe/Africa, etc]. As such, it is a natural target for [Islamic] aggression." Karsh, hence, views Muslims as active participants on the world stage, rather than powerless pawns, as some commentators assume. The current grouping of Islamic fundamentalist movements such as Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood or Al-Qaeda have one common feature: the desire to create a global Muslim caliphate. Hence, they are legitimate heirs to Islam's imperial aspirations.
This book meticulously examines conventional Muslim beliefs and perceptions rather than merely blaming the Western powers for past errors and misdeeds in order to explain the current causes of Islamic terrorism. Karsh believes that the Muslim world's deep rooted yearning for the glories of the old Islamic Empires (like 14th Century Granada or 17th Century Crimea) effectively hobbles their economic and democratic growth prospects and makes them especially succeptible to the control of a whole host of local dictators or autocrats--such as Nasser, Ghaddafi, Saddam Hussein, etc--who constantly invoke the idea of a revival of past Islamic greatness. Karsh notes certain pan-Arab projects--such as the United Arab Republic (from 1958 to 1961) between Egypt and Syria which eventually collapsed when the Syrians realized that Nasser wanted to centralise all government decision making in Cairo and pulled out of this Union--reflected this broad desire to enhance the Muslim world's political influence. In his view, until Muslims decisively turn their backs on this past pan-Islamic global vision and make Islam a matter of personal faith rather than one of politics, they will never fully prosper in the modern world or be tolerant of others.
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