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7 of 9 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars Grim, unpalatable truths.
In this selection of reports on Israel and the occupied territories, supplied by eight human rights organisations, various issues - such as terrorism, torture and press freedom - are analysed in relation to the overall policy and modus operandi of either side of the conflict. As such it stands as a timely corrective to the media manipulation in both camps which, besides...
Published on May 6, 2006 by William D. Aitken

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6 of 17 people found the following review helpful:
1.0 out of 5 stars Part of the problem
There is a war going on in the Levant. And people are indeed getting hurt on both sides. Ought we document abuses of human rights? Of course. What about manipulation of the media? Ought we document that as well? Yes! And a book that did that honestly would be worthwhile. But this book isn't it.

Joceyln Grange leads off with a malicious...
Published on March 21, 2005 by Jill Malter


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7 of 9 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars Grim, unpalatable truths., May 6, 2006
This review is from: Israel/Palestine: The Black Book (Paperback)
In this selection of reports on Israel and the occupied territories, supplied by eight human rights organisations, various issues - such as terrorism, torture and press freedom - are analysed in relation to the overall policy and modus operandi of either side of the conflict. As such it stands as a timely corrective to the media manipulation in both camps which, besides routine censorship, has also entailed violence against journalists attempting to report from troubled areas. The stance of the editors (`Reporters Without Borders') is objective and non-partisan. Incidents and situations are described, and where they show some provision of international law being flouted crtiticisms are made accordingly. The premise is established that, in any discussion of human rights, whether the behaviour of the oppressor or the underdog is being considered, the same standards of justice and morality apply.

Of particular interest are the reports by Israeli and Palestinian human rights organisations which focus on abuses perpetrated by their own side. For example B'Tselem, the Israeli Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, considers the Israeli Defence Force's programme of house demolition and destruction of agricultural areas, without warning, in the Gaza Strip after the beginning of the al-Aqsa Intifada. Despite Israel's special pleading along the lines of `pressing military necessity' B'Tselem finds the IDF action to be indiscriminate, amounting to collective punishment, and thus constituting a violation of international humanitarian law. It notes Israel's failure to respect the principle of proportionality which requires hostile parties to discriminate between civilians and combatants, and also condemns the IDF - or certain stray elements thereof - for targetting clearly marked ambulances.

On the subject of torture in Israel, Chapter 9 consists of a report by Israel's own Public Committee Against Torture in Israel. It discusses a 1999 ruling by the country's Supreme Court which determined that torture routinely inflicted on Palestinian detainees by the General Security Service was no longer acceptable, despite the contrary view being held by virtually the entire political establishment and a large section of the public. However, difficulties in defining what constitutes the `reasonable interrogation' recommended by the High Court have meant that, two years after the ruling (at the time of the PCATI report's publication - September 2002), methods of ill-treatment were still being used by the GSS. Graphic details of their interrogation techniques are described and the report concludes pessimistically, regretting that, despite any accusations levelled against them by detainees, the GSS are under no legal obligation to give an account of their actions.

The section on Palestine takes up a mere 25% of the book's 200-odd pages.
This may be seen as simply a reaction against the familiar skewed media treatment of the issue which has unjustly downplayed or ignored Israel's human rights abuses, and the compilers of these reports perhaps felt a need to redress the balance. In any event, the case made here against Palestinian terrorism and corruption within the Palestinian Authority is damning enough. Israel's democratic credentials are highlighted by its Supreme Court ruling on torture whereas, at the time of the Human Rights Watch report cited here (November 2000), no semblance of an independent judiciary existed under the Palestinian Authority. On the matter of press freedom the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights, based in Gaza City, depicts a repressive scenario under Yasser Arafat's tenure in which journalists were frequently harassed and press institutions closed for publishing certain news items. Though nowhere explicitly stated it is clear that Israel's independent `Haaretz' daily newspaper - which frequently criticises Israeli policy -has (or had) no Palestinian counterpart.

Contributions by Amnesty International deal with attacks on Israeli civilians carried out by, specifically, Hamas and Islamic Jihad. Both these organisations are associated with the cult of martyrdom and have used suicide bombers. Numerous terrorist attacks are mentioned including one carried out on an Israeli settlement on the West Bank in April 2002 in which five-year old Danielle Shefi was killed while hiding from a gunman. This incident, which also claimed the lives of three adults, was described by the military wing of Hamas as `an heroic and daring operation'. Palestinian political leader Dr Hanan `Ashrawi is quoted as condemning these atrocities along with the silence held by extremist elements in her community who feel that their own suffering cancels out any moral obligation. Amnesty International concludes, on the basis of its work in the region and other areas of conflict around the world, that the cycle of violence will only be broken if all parties respect human rights as part of a major and concerted effort to achieve peace.

Some mild criticism of this book is occasioned by its all too brief, though not inaccurate, historical overview in the introduction. Also, an Amnesty International report is included which fails to address the contentious, unresolved issue of the Muhammad Jamal al-Dura killing in September 2000, responsibility for which continues to be hotly disputed. However, this does not detract from the horrors described on page after page or the credibility of accounts by victims and eyewitnesses. Indeed, these first-hand testimonies cut through the official propaganda of either side and provide solid substantiation of the case made by human rights organisations against both Israel and the PA. Human Rights Watch's account of the Jenin incursion, for example, quotes various inhabitants of the camp who endured, or witnessed, examples of summary justice meted out by rogue IDF elements. Although clearly the intention was to flush out suicide bombers and destroy the infrastructure they used, that grim episode stands as yet another example of Israel's tactics which, far from combatting terrorism, seem merely to incite more.

Inevitably those who have the candour and honesty to document the brutal excesses committed by their own side are despised, effectively, as collaborators. Sources other than this volume reveal that B'Tselem staff have received telephoned death threats and been assaulted in the street by mobs. Meanwhile the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel has come under a more insidious form of attack. Torture defender and professional hoax merchant Alan Dershowitz, who makes regular appearances in the media, once infamously claimed in a talk at Toronto's York University that the PCATI told him it no longer had any torture to investigate. It is a claim strenuously denied by the Committee which, more than three years after the eminent Harvard professor's statement, referred in a July 2003 report to 48 affidavits showing that torture by Israeli authorities was ongoing and that therefore the Committee still had a vital role to play.

For the benefit of those requiring a complete update on this, and on all of the other issues discussed, the book has an appendix which helpfully provides websites of all the contributor organisations. In conclusion the words of B'Tselem director Eitan Felner, quoted on Christian Aid's website, seem apposite.; `When I, as an Israeli, witness these injustices, I feel indignant that these things are done in my name.I feel I am responsible. If I don't try to stop it, I am an accomplice - I am guilty aswell'.
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6 of 17 people found the following review helpful:
1.0 out of 5 stars Part of the problem, March 21, 2005
By 
Jill Malter (jillmalter@aol.com) - See all my reviews
There is a war going on in the Levant. And people are indeed getting hurt on both sides. Ought we document abuses of human rights? Of course. What about manipulation of the media? Ought we document that as well? Yes! And a book that did that honestly would be worthwhile. But this book isn't it.

Joceyln Grange leads off with a malicious misrepresentation of Israeli history. Does that make a difference? Yes, because we now are misled into thinking that Israel is somehow the result of a crime, or is engaged in criminal activity just by existing, or as a minimum is illegally occupying someone else's country. That might justify, or at least explain, a very strong response by the people Israel has Wronged.

Once we get into the details of Israeli crimes, it gets worse. Logic dictates that Israel as a nation wants to minimize civilian deaths in this war. Arab civilian deaths are known to be bad militarily, morally, and from a media standpoint. So we should suspect that many accounts of willful Israeli killings of civilians are dubious. This book does not seem to follow this simple logic. Instead, we are treated to a description of the death of Muhammed al-Dura that implies that it is likely that Israelis killed this boy on purpose. In fact, it is very unlikely that Israelis killed him at all. The entire incident may well have been staged. We don't read anything about that in this book! Now, what were we just saying about media manipulation?

If the rest of the incidents are reported as accurately as the al-Dura one, the entire book is simply fraudulent. But there is a deeper problem. We want to know just why there are deaths in this war. The reason is that the Arab side chose to attack. Without this aggression, there would be no deaths on either side. And the book, by not making this clear, is simply Arab propaganda.

An interesting and relevant question is whether Israel is using excessive force in responding to murderous attacks on its civilians. Excessive force is not good for either side. We need to realize that using too little force is also bad, in that it produces more attacks and more responses, some of which may be excessive as a result. Anyway, the verdict of this book is that Israel has been going too far. And that Israel bears some responsibility for this as a nation. I do wonder just what recommendations these folks would give their own nations were they under attack.

It is hard for me to imagine Israel doing more to limit civilian casualties than it did in Jenin. If that is not good enough for these reporters, then these reporters are opposing human rights, not supporting them. Eventually, nations will probably defend themselves, whether others approve or not. Israel is no exception. If Israel is not going to be granted a right to defend itself, then the concept of a "right to defend oneself" will no longer have any meaning.

But I almost forgot the best part! There is Balance in this book. After 140 pages of extremely misleading material condemning Israel, we have 60 pages of criticism of the Arabs! Yes, some individual Arabs have committed crimes. Many are listed explicitly. These include suicide bombings. But there is more. Some "collaborators" have been murdered. The Arabs have not prosecuted and convicted people for such crimes. In fact, some Arab courts have passed dubious sentences of death on collaborators themselves. The Arab justice system is imperfect! On top of that, free expression is limited in Arafat's territory, and even freedom of the press could be improved.

Still, the book implies that any responsibility for such problems is individual. A few terrorist groups are out of line. Even an administration may have some corruption and mismanagement. But there is no hint that there may be something wrong with the whole idea of pressuring Israel into ceding land. And there is little hint that the whole purpose of the Arab aggression may be to attack Jewish rights of life, liberty, and property in the region.

A serious discussion of attacks on human rights and media manipulation ought to include the pervasive antisemitic incitement in Arab media and schools. It should recognize the contamination of the Arab and international media by arbitrary antizionist untruths. And it needs to identify the aggressors. It sure isn't the Israeli side that wants a war that could destroy it.
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Israel/Palestine: The Black Book
Israel/Palestine: The Black Book by Reporters Without Borders (Paperback - August 20, 2003)
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