Karl Marx's Theory of Revolution: War and Revolution [Paperback]

Hal Draper (Author), E Haberkern (Contributor)

Book Description

ISBN-10: 1583671382 | ISBN-13: 978-1583671382 | Publication Date: October 20, 2005

Marx and Engels' views on war, revolution and the relation between the two exolved over time in response to the turbulent political and military history of the nineteenth centurey. The result has been widespread confusion among historians and in the socialist movement. The tendency has been to search for quotes which will buttress the writer's own views and exhibit it as "what Marx said." This book tries to clear up the confusion and misrepresentation.

Product Details

• Paperback: 286 pages
• Publisher: Monthly Review Press (October 20, 2005)
• Language: English
• ISBN-10: 1583671382
• ISBN-13: 978-1583671382
• Product Dimensions: 8.9 x 6 x 0.9 inches
• Shipping Weight: 1 pounds
• Average Customer Review: 5.0 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (1 customer review)
• Amazon Best Sellers Rank: #2,125,587 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

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5.0 out of 5 stars The fifth instalment of Hal Draper's "Karl Marx's Theory of Revolution", January 7, 2009

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M. A. Krul (London, United Kingdom) - See all my reviews
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This review is from: Karl Marx's Theory of Revolution: War and Revolution (Paperback)

Although this book is no longer published in Monthly Review's original series, much to the improvement of its cover art, but instead a copublication with the Center for Socialist History, it is nonetheless Volume V in Hal Draper's series "Karl Marx's Theory of Revolution" (see also my reviews of the other volumes). Hal Draper himself did not live to see the publication, as he died just more or less after finishing Volume IV, but his old friend and fellow traveller on his political path Ernest Haberkern has used his notes and material to produce this volume for him, adding to it some research and analysis of his own along the same lines. He graciously makes clear in the introduction what is his and what is Draper's, so no confusion can occur on that point.

This volume deals with the questions of war, insurrection, and revolution in Marx & Engels, and as such is a gathering together of their statements on a range of topics usually seen as quite separate issues. This makes it all the more essential and interesting, because a lot of problems that would play important roles as political stumbling blocks for socialism in the 20th Century also popped up in the 19th in different guises, and seeing Marx & Engels' responses to them is enlightening and a good guidance. Of all volumes so far, this one is most original in terms of the material discussed and the questions raised, and is perhaps also most directly important for socialist politics today.

The first of these is the wars of 1848. Draper & Haberkern here show the way Marx and Engels responded to the various insurrections by different peoples, both against their own governments and against the rule by foreign governments, as part of this revolutionary chain. Interesting here is the complicated dynamic between revolutionary demands on the one hand, and nationalist demands for self-representation on the other, as seen in the case of the Hungarian uprising as well as the revolts in Poland. The way the two revolutionaries saw it was consistently for the removal of national oppression in any form by foreign governments, before any kind of social revolution was possible. As Engels later put it, the Poles and the Irish etc. had to be good nationalists before they could be good internationalists. This as against the Luxemburgian position of opposing self-determination as bourgeois nationalist and therefore bad. Even bourgeois nationalist revolts could be good in the eyes of Marx & Engels, as long as they overthrew a foreign oppressor and thereby at once helped 'open up room for' the class struggle _and_ made life difficult for the capitalists internationally by defeating imperialism. In this context Draper & Haberkern pay thorough attention to Engels' stupidly phrased statement about "non-historic peoples", which has often been used against this viewpoint.

Then there is a fascinating, if somewhat of less urgent importance, discussion of particularly Engels' analysis of different wars on the continent and their meaning. What is essential is that it is shown that contrary to popular belief, while Marx and Engels DID support peoples warring against an imperialist oppressor, they DID NOT support any particular bourgeois or reactionary government warring against another, even if the one was clearly much more progressive than the other or the defeat of the one was more beneficial for socialism and anti-imperialism. When Britain waged war against Russia, Russia being the main prop of imperialism and reaction in the world at the time (like America today), Marx & Engels hoped the British would win, but they did NOT give political support to the British government or supported its war in any way. This is an essential qualification to the war position described a paragraph above. Instead, they supported using the opportunity to undermine both governments as much as possible and to unmask the war-mongering nature of capitalism altogether. This as against the common socialist position of supporting the more progressive of two warring bourgeois states as well as the common socialist position inside more reactionary states of supporting "revolutionary defeatism", or expecting it of others. Consistently, from the Crimean War to the Italian Wars to the Franco-Prussian War, Marx & Engels settled on the position that neither side should be politically supported and neither side's war efforts aided, even if they preferred a particular side's victory. Aiding socialism would of itself undermine reactionary governments soon enough, as Engels explained, but opportunistically supporting chauvinism or war actions in socialist ranks 'for the occasion' could do damage that would take decades to undo.

Interesting in this context are also some details given during the discussion as well as in the appendices, for example about the one single occasion that Marx and Engels DID support a bourgeois government, namely the Union in the American Civil War (which was after all seen by them as an attempted revolt by reactionaries, not a war between countries). The commentaries on the Civil War by Marx and Engels are not as well-known as they should be. Their analysis both in terms of the geopolitical situation and the correct socialist attitude to it as well as their discussions of the person and position of Lincoln are better than even the best bourgeois writers now produce; especially given the deification of Lincoln in the discourse of the American left, which is a response to the equally mistaken demonization of Lincoln by the American reaction. One appendix also repeats, an unfortunate necessity, that Liebknecht and Bernstein's bowdlerization of the views of Engels are precisely that, and that Engels did not become a pacifist and reformist at the end of his days.

There is, according to the introduction, to be a sixth volume of the series. It has however not been made yet, and given the fact that the fourth was published in 1990 and this fifth one in 2005, it may take quite a while still. As always, Draper's excellent series should not be seen as an invitation to treat the thoughts of Marx and Engels as Holy Writ or as a canon of dogma from which no deviation is possible and upon which nobody can improve. Instead, it should be used as the most expansive existing reliable analysis of Marx's & Engels' thought as such, allowing us to see both where they were right and where they were wrong, and allowing their brilliant minds to inspire us, that we may improve upon their work and understand our own times better. Although Hal Draper did not live to see his series finished, he has done us all a great favor with this life's work.