From Library Journal
Noted sociologist Worsley (The Third World, 1973) began this book as a study of the scientific knowledge of an Australian aboriginal tribe. Five years later he delivers a sprawling examination of such diverse topics as pre-European navigation in the Pacific, the rise of Western biomedicine, religion in the modern state, the secularization of Christmas, and the iconology of Disneyland. In language suitable for the lay reader as well as the cultural anthropologist, Worsley uses these wide-ranging topics to argue that knowledge takes many forms and is by its nature plural. Just as aborigines, for example, employ different taxonomies to classify plants used for subsistence than they would for those used in rituals, so do Americans rely on medical science while simultaneously employing religion to answer seemingly more mysterious questions. Because of the sweeping scope of this work, it does appear less than cohesive in spots. The sections on Christmas and Disneyland are slightly tangential and offer less to Worsley's thesis; however, as informative and thought-provoking pieces, they ultimately contribute to this ambitious and challenging book. Recommended for large public libraries and academic anthropology collections.?Jim Woodman, Boston Athenaeum
Copyright 1998 Reed Business Information, Inc.
From Kirkus Reviews
An energetic, often fascinating, but somewhat sprawling argument about the pliable nature of knowledge. Worsley (Sociology/Univ. of Manchester, England) draws on an impressive array of examples from non-Western societies to press his argument that there are ``many kinds of knowledge in all societies.'' He cites in particular his study of an aboriginal society in Australia to illustrate not only how subtle and complex the thought and body of knowledge of a supposed ``primitive'' society can be, but also how varied thought is in native societies. In doing so, he takes on not only those scholars who have frequently dismissed non-Western thought as limited and exotic, but even some partisans of native societies, such as Lvi-Strauss, who, Worsley argues, tend to force native thought into a few rigid forms, identifying the tendency of ideas in a particular society as being, say, primarily mystical. The detailed inventories of the knowledge preserved in non-Western cultures, from extraordinary navigational savvy to very precise ideas about the lives and habits of wild animals, that Worsley cites are startling. The book, however, begins to lose focus as the author pursues the other side of his argument, attempting to demonstrate that even highly technological societies sustain many different kinds of knowledge, not just apparently dominant modes like science and modern medicine. This involves him in some unsurprising analyses of such things as the meanings of the Statue of Liberty and the implications of Walt Disney's worldview. The basic set of ideas here--that knowledge is never uniform, and that many different kinds of knowing are preserved by societies--is persuasively set forth. The subtext, involving a critique of Western forms of knowledge, is by contrast less compelling. Still, a distinctive addition to the anthropology of knowledge. --
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