Customer Reviews

Kremlin Rising: Vladimir Putin's Russia and the End of Revolution

5 star:		(13)
4 star:		(4)
3 star:		(3)
2 star:		(2)
1 star:		(2)

 

 

As the title may suggest, my purpose in reading this book was to get a general update on the status of Russia. Specifically, I wanted a closer look at the status of its political system, the economy and what challenges Russians face today.

Baker and Glasser succeed in delivering a well researched, documented and written account about Russia (w/ focus on the years 2000-2005 a sort of a pyatiletka history review).

Any reader exercising his or her reason will detect a "less-than-favorable" view which the authors hold of president Putin. This should not be grounds for dismissing "Kremlin Rising" as an inaccurate-ideological book. Whatever benefits brought to Russia by Putin and his cronies, a plausible if not credible argument can be made (is made by Baker and Glasser) that the incompetency, corruption and other "costs" outweigh the benefits.

I would recommend the following 5 chapers (out of 18) as the chapters which in my opinion discuss flaws that Russia needs to address if only to retain her position in the world:

Ch.9) Sick Man of Europe: decline of population, HIV, reasons why this is so and what is being done to "heal"
Ch.8) Fifty-seven Hours in Moscow: Nord-Ost seige, a vivid account
Ch.18) Lenin Was Right After All: the teaching of Russian history; a new generation longing for Stalin/Soviet Union
Ch.10) Runaway Army: problems with the military, conscripts and their treatment
Ch.1) Fifty-two Hours in Beslan: Beslan handling, another vivid account of how crisis is dealt with in Russia

Well, I hope this helps.

I was a little skeptical of this book when I first picked it up, expecting it to be one of those typical occidental treatises on "them quirky Soviets" and about how Russia and her new chief were going to be ruined because of the clear disdain for democracy.

On the one hand, Kremlin Rising is exactly that: the book makes no attempt to veil its contempt for Putin on all subjects from A to Z. It's as if the man invented the bubonic plague, and had the authors been charged with writing a history book, I'm sure they would've included that detail.

On the other hand, Kremlin Rising is something quite unprecedented, a broad-spectrum analysis of what's wrong with Russia today and why. The chapters on Beslan and Nord-ost were especially arresting, craftily written but without much pomp or sap. The bulk of this book is factual information, introduced to us by various "characters" the authors met in their tenures at the Washington Post in Russia. Everything from Chechnya to the crippled Red Army to the adolescent zeitgeist to the radio revolution is covered, and that's extremely impressive for two American journalists for whom the peculiarities of Russian culture may have been a little difficult to grasp.

My main complaint with this book is the overwhelming bias that sometimes resulted in the omission of certain truths, just to emphasize how much of a beast VVP really is. For example, even though Baker & Glasser go to great lengths to talk about Yeltsin's alcoholic incompetence, they portray the years under him as some kind of democratic paradise, a decade of unregulated freedom with few tangible consequences. While television wasn't state-owned - that much I'll hand to old Boris - those nine years of the true perestroika were a textbook case of rampant chaos, starting with the free-for-alls of privatization schemes to the alarming crime waves. Yet none of this is covered, to add contrast to Russia today. Only about a sentence is dedicated to the fact that crime diminished (just a little, I know, but in a nation where it was so popular, a little means a lot), and nowhere is it talked about that perhaps Russians have a valid excuse to "fear" democracy.

The second thing that irritated me about B&G's account was how much they strove to portray Khodorkovsky as the boy wonder of democratic reform. They talked about his privatization deals under the umbrella term "shady" and mentioned his boasting to buy parliament in '03, yet at the end of the chapters, sympathy toward a man who basically dug his own grave resonated throughout the concluding paragraphs. When a guy goes around talking about how he's going to purchase a deliberative body and then lecture a president about corruption - I'm sorry, but that paradox doesn't merit the kind of pity that was relegated to him by Kremlin Rising.

Lastly, the relentless underlining of Putin's past as a KGB agent seemed hypocritical at best. It's well known that it's now a big part of who he is as a political leader, but the analogous situation of Bush, Sr., a former head of the CIA, is not treated. The CIA is responsible for numerous attempted and perpetrated coups. Why are we not outraged by erstwhile directors becoming presidents? Why is the guy who never even made colonel portrayed as the next coming of Dzerzhinski? It's ridiculous and unnecessary, at least until the authors begin to talk about how his KGB past has influenced his decisions in the present, such as to increase the hiring of former operatives in the Kremlin network.

Overall, the book was fascinating and rarely boring. It's a great piece of work for someone who wants to get a thorough introduction to what Russia is, how she thinks and why, and what the future holds for the largest country in the world. Highly recommended.

One of the best books I have read on the New Russia--which, after reading the book, you see may not be so "new" after all. This excellent study of present-day Russia and its leader is concise, interesting, well-written, informative, and not just a little bit scary. After the Wild Wild West-ness of the Yeltsin years it was inevitable that a Sheriff would ride into Moscow and reign in the party. Vladimir Putin is that Sheriff, a man of (very) few words who prefers to let his actions speak for him. Anyone with even a passing interest in where Russia is today, where it might be headed, and the implication for the rest of the world will find this book well worth their time.

What surprises me most about this book is that it was allowed to be written at all. The authors, a husband and wife team, were Moscow bureau chiefs for the Washington Post in Russia from January 2001 to November 2004 and their reporting background shows through as they thoroughly footnoted and referenced their facts throughout the book.

It does not paint a pretty picture of a country that has been dominated by a brutal state centered government most of last century and Czarist regimes prior to that. After reading this portrayal of an increasing dominance once again of the State over the people and how the State totally controls the media; the court system; the educational system; the elections; and any potential voices of opposition I finished the book with a more profound appreciation of what our founding fathers intended to do with the U.S. Constitution and the Bill of Rights.

Personally, I think this book should be read by any American who doesn't undertand the crushing effect that a State dominated government has upon the common person and then keep their eyes open to the legislation and powers being increasingly granted to our Federal Government under the guise of protecting us against terrorism. The fact that Bush and Putin are friends becomes clear when you realize that they both share the same goal of increased power to the Central Government giving them a basic common belief system.

The book itself makes it clear that such a scenario paints a very bleak and oppressive way of life for the average citizen under a State dominated regime which is reflected in the fact that Russia has the 2nd highest suicide rate in the world.

As Baker and Glasser point out, the former KGB Putin was a relative unknown and was basically manipulated into office through a state controlled media and political strong arm tactics after Yeltsin chose him as his successor (Or was it that Yeltsin had no choice himself?). Once into office Putin has consolidated the power of the State and Kremlin at the expense of the people's freedoms under what he calls "controlled Democracy".

In the chapter "Scam of the Year", Baker and Glasser detail how Putin and his cadre of siloviki (former military and KGB officers)stole Mikhail Kodorkovsky's Yukos Oil (Russia's largest oil company and Russia's richest man) and manipulated it to State control using trumped up and exaggerated tax evasion charges. Khodorkovsky's real sin was open resistance to Putin and the increasing State dominance after a brief period of free marketism under Yeltsin.

All in all, a good and realistic account of why governments should have limited powers and influence over private citizens lives although I don't think this is the message the author's intended. I would suggest that anyone leaning towards a Socialist form of government read this book and take heed. It doesn't work and this book makes it clear why (although again I don't think it was written to convey that message).

By the way, all of this return to State dominance in Russia was predicted in the 80's and early 90's by a former long time KGB higher up, Anatoliy Golitsyn, in his books New Lies for Old and The Perestroika Deception. Golitsyn sat in on the planning of this illusion of Russia's conversion to "Democracy" and acts as a fly on the wall to the insider deceptions which ensued. I would also recommend these books to those seeking the truth about how things work which we rarely, if ever, are given.

This is a 400 page book plus notes that describes the economic, legal, and political realities of modern Russia under the leadership of Putin. This is a well written book that most will find to be both entertaining and well written. For most it will be an eye opener into the realities of the country. If you already has some ideas about Putin and Russia, this book confirms your worst fears.

The two authors have chosen a style that tells two or three stories in parallel, i.e.: they present the stories of ordinary citizens, along side the stories of soldiers and the new business elites - the oligarchs, and the to that they add a fairly detailed story of Putin's rise to power, his associates from the old KGB, etc. The book contains about 400 pages of text and photographs along with many notes. It is well written and what one would classify as a light read that one can breeze through in a couple of days. It is not small font but average sized print.

The authors try to present a number of points to give a picture of Russia after the fall of communism. Overall what we learn is that it is fairly bleak and chaotic situation, and far from what one would call a democracy. Many of the social benefits have been stripped away. The supply of gas and electricty is a hot bed of corruption, and the medical system has all but failed. It seems that the average citizen has given up on the democratic reforms and at the present time will just settle for some degree of tranquility and stability in their day to day lives.

Right near the beginning we read a fairly disturbing chapter in which the reader follows a platoon of Russian soldiers conducting a raid on a village in Chechnya, and we learn how a pretty 18 year old girl is abducted and eventually killed by the commender.

Later we read how the transformation to free enterprise has resulted in 33 billionaires living in Moscow. This is an unusual number by any standard, and the city was in a quasi boom town mode, driven by the new wealth including oil. Some prosper while others attempt to get by without the basics of life; it is a contrast between the 25 cent subway rides, and the new wealth and opulence, with a strong does of organized crime and government corruption.

The authors attempt to tell two stories simultaneously, the average citizen versus the rich and powerful, and they have an excellent but short chapter that uses this technique. They describe the charges against and the trial of Mikhael Khodorkovsky while they simultaneously tell the story of a former scientists turned business man who has attempted to run an underware business selling Polish and Turkish garments in a small 6 store chain. In this way they can tell the story of how Khodorkovsky was singled out by Putin - while the lower level business people are brought down by organized crime and the manipulation of the banking system. From the book, it is clear that Khodorkovsky broke the law, and obtained a huge oil company for just $225,000., but he was not unique in his approach to gaining wealth and avoiding taxes, and he was singled out as a political gesture to make a statement by Putin, not as part of a general crackdown.

Putin does not come across well in this book and the book leads to some alarming conclusions about Bush and his tolerance for Putin - "the soulmate" - so to speak. Putin is a man that came through the KGB, and he might seem calm on the outside, but he has developed an iron fisted control over Russia and uses the war on terror as an excuse to accelerate his control and advance his own agenda. His re-election was all but rigged, and he had a virtual monopoly over the media during the campaign, contrary to Russian laws. In any case, and according to the authors, 70% of the average citizens do not want Putin, but as a group they have given up opposing Putin and demanding reforms. They think that opposition is impossible, and they simply want to survive and have a job. Also a certain percentage of the citizens are comfortable with a modern "Tsar" or single strong leader running Russia, a Russian tradition that continued through the communist rule.

5 stars and it is a good but perhaps not great book: I recommend as a buy.

Before I read this book, I used to think, "Putin is no democrat, but at least, unlike Yeltsin, he's not a drunk given to irrational outbursts. Anything is better than that."

I don't feel that way after reading "Kremlin Rising." Putin has brought a certain degree of order and stability to Russia after the storm-tossed 1990s. But it is stability purchased at a very high price. As the author documents, Putin has deftly extinguished much of the trappings of democracy like an independent and aggressive media and strong regional governments. "Kremlin Rising" shows that Putin's Russia is essentially an authoritarian state disguised by a thin veneer of constitutional formalities.

Another price of Putin's Russia is the terrible second war in Chechnya. Russia has done horrible things there and has paid a ghastly price for doing so. The butcher's bill of slaughtered school children at Beslan is proof enough of that.

And there's another troubling thing about Putin's War. That is the possibility that the casus belli, the brutal and random apartment bombings in late 1999 supposedly by the Chechens, may have at least in part been done by Putin's minions. Now that is disturbing, and I find it even more so given the failure of the international media to press the man who George W. Bush --in an obvious gush of sentimentality brought on by 9/11-- calls "Pooty-poot" about this very important question.

This being said, "Kremlin Rising" is not perfect. I think that given the fact that the book is a ringing indictment of Putin, it would have been appropriate to have a chapter of the good things that Putin has done for Russia. Putin is a bad actor, but he's no Stalin, and it would have been good to have that shown more clearly.

I also don't think the author was fair to Putin on his handling of the theater siege, the one that ended with the Russians pumping knock-out gas that led to many of the rescued hostages dying needlessly. Sure that took the bloom off the triumph for Putin, but the author doesn't seem to realize that even with this collateral damage, it was a far better outcome than Beslan.

But those are minor quibbles. Read the book and learn --and feel sorry for Russia.

The authors do a nice job presenting selected topics regarding Putin's rise and handling of Russia; however, there are critical components of his history and the recent controversies in Russia regarding the lack of free press that is clearly missing. I would have expected more from the authors since they have had to live under the scrutiny of Putin's fanatical reach in reporting the news.

Carefully reading 'Kremlin Rising', I must admit that there are some very nice overviews that are presented to the public. But for many of us who have purchased this book, we're simply not just the reading public interested in a historical notation. We're writers and journalist -- and there should have been more detail in concentration to the issues of liberty and freedom of the press.

If it is not the fair press who holds accountable governments, then who does? Did we forget the many journalist who died in and around Moscow while reporting on the relationships between the oligarchs and Yelstin . . . and Putin? Have we forgotten that Paul Khlebnikov, the Editor of Forbes Russia was murdered for investigative journalism, and all that is mentioned here is that the hospital doors could not open in time to get him to the operating table?

The obligation of protecting the press and the voices of freedom in the context of 'Kremlin Rising' are relevant. Here, the authors fail. What is of positive news for the reader is the fact that the general background and the research provided is strong.

This could have been much better and more influencial.

I find "Kremlin Rising" a difficult subject to review. The authors put forth their credentials as Moscow bureau chiefs for The Washington Post. Increasingly, just declaring yourself as a journalist opens you to suspicion and after reading this book, you can see why.

The book does not seem written to edify the ordinary reader, but rather to impress those who consider themselves the journalistic, academic and political elite. Kind of like showing slides from their trip to some exotic, expensive locale.

The writing style is ponderous, slow and often flat-out boring.

I am certainly not an expert on Russian life, but it doesn't take one to see that the authors are piling on Vladimir Putin. After the failure of a 70 year old, incredibly oppressive socialist political system, the Glassers seem to think that a new political system, new political leadership and a new leader can simply step to the fore and make everything work in a society where nothing worked before. Because that has not happened, the authors pin the failure on one man: Vladimir Putin. Frankly, this appears to be superficial reasoning of the kind often employed by journalists who want to appear as masters of their subject, but really aren't.

Putin become the cause of everything bad, the author of nothing good. It is the same kind of rhetoric you see every day in U.S. mainstream media. Overblown, hyperbolic, without much support.

The authors employ a strange blend of techniques. "Man in the street" interviews with supposedly ordinary Russians. Some interviews with alleged insiders, often former insiders, who just might have an axe to grind. And endless, often boring, commentary and editorializing.

The book is uneven. When it comes to Chechen Islamist terrorism, the authors are hard-put to flat-out call those who murder innocent men, women and children (hundreds at the Beslan school alone) terrorists. Instead, they treat them respectfully with politically-correct, left-wing euphemisms such as "resistance." I find such delicacy offensive: how can you fail to construe the murder of children as anything but terrorism?

The authors, apparently a husband and wife team, served in Moscow for 2001 to 2004. It isn't clear how deep their knowledge of pre-Soviet, Soviet and post-Soviet history goes. There is no doubt that Russia is not yet a fully functioning society. There is also no argument that some of Putin's moves rise the spectre of a return to one-party, even one-man rule. But the authors never make it clear why precisely Russia should be in a better state than it is. They certainly don't explain how, for example, a new judicial system is supposed to instantly take root in a nation spanning 15 time zones that had been a totalitarian state for more than seven decades. From my perspective, I'd be happier if the authors expressed appreciation that the Yeltsin and Putin governments have kept this nuclear armed nation from civil war and utter ruin.

Overall, I think Baker and Glasser wrote this book to gain oohs and aahs from their journalistic, academic and political friends and advance their careers. Three pages of such friends are "acknowledged." For the general reader, I think there are better ways to learn about contemporary Russia and Vladimir Putin.

Jerry

As an "ordinary reader" (his words), I must write to correct Saperstein's impression that I will not be edified by this book. I loved this book, and found it very informative about modern Russia. Also, Saperstein repeatedly calls this book boring while I found it anything but; it's a page-turner. The "strange blend of techniques" that his inflexible mind finds so trying is part of what makes this book so much fun. As for the "superficial reasoning" that Saperstein accuses the authors of having employed in their condemnation of Putin, I think perhaps he neglected to check out the exhaustive footnotes. The wealth of source material, thorough analysis and perspicuous logic of the authors are evidence of their professionalism and journalistic excellence.

Regarding Saperstein's comments about the book's treatment of Chechen terrorism, my interpretation was very different: I think the authors were attempting to tell both sides of the story without bias. They include examples of both Chechen and Russian attacks that can be fairly described at terroristic, and they attempt to give neither special treatment.

I am the "general reader," and I approve. Before reading this book I hadn't read anything about post-Soviet Russia. Now, thanks to this book, I'm taking a course on modern Russia and I'm here on Amazon to look for more books to read. Everything I've read since has only reinforced my sense of the accuracy and general excellence of this book.

This is the definitive book on the rise of Vladimir Putin, and the rise of a new, non-ideological authoritarianism that has effectively extinguished the glimmers of democratization that sparkled after the demise of the Soviet Union. In a procession of clearly and powerfully drawn reportages, Glasser and Baker have pealed away the ribbons of bonhomie about Russia that are so gaily tied by Schroede, Chirac and Bush. More important, they have presented us with the first truly penetrating examination of the lives of ordinary Russians in a country they are losing, from the suppression of the media, to the very extermination of the truth, whether in the case of the Beslan school massacre or the sinking of the Kursk. What the authors have done is mercilessly plot the rise of a third-rate KGB hack to the leadership of a country with as many nuclear missiles as the United States, a man who sees glory in the Soviet past, not in any difficult democratic future. Everyone should read this book; it is a pity that no one in the State Department or the White House, including such purported Russian specialists as the current secretary of state, know just a fraction of what this book offers us.