9 of 9 people found the following review helpful:
3.0 out of 5 stars
World History and Legal Regimes, March 23, 2004
This review is from: Law and Colonial Cultures: Legal Regimes in World History, 1400-1900 (Studies in Comparative World History) (Paperback)
World histories are extremely difficult to do because it requires the historian to make broad, sweeping assertions about many different cultures concerning which the historian can never be an expert in each. As a specialist in Islam, I for one was sometimes left deeply dissatisfied by some of the sections focusing on Islam. This, in turn, made me question the nature of the analyses on areas concerning which I have no indepth knowledge such as in Spanish and Portugese empires.
This being said, however, the general outline presented in the book as a tendency of colonial cultures with regard to legal institutions (from multi-centric and informal to strictly state-centered and enforced with centralized compulsion) is widely corroborated and extremely helpful in grasping the evolution and centrality of legal institutions in the formation of these colonialial and, subsequently, post-colonial cutlures. The argument, therefore, makes great strides in supplementing merely economic historical accounts, such as dependency theory a la Wallerstein, with studies of colonial institutions as such and not as a mere apparatus of economic ideologies.
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4 of 4 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars
An Important Contribution to Global History, May 2, 2009
As a creative work of synthetic history, the author charts the co-evolution of global legal institutions and their gradual convergence towards greater global uniformity, and later firmly situated in the modern nation-state. The author argues that, over the course of the European colonial era, a global legal framework emerged out of the conflicts between different cultures, as empires expanded and people became more mobile. Using a comparative approach to track this process globally, she explains that it was through such cross-cultural conflicts that similar "routines" and structural patterns emerged in legal regimes around the world.
Benton wants to resurrect culture as an element of global structures, emphasizing the importance of cultural identities. Traditionally, such discussions of "world systems" have tended to downplay, or even ignore entirely, human agency in history. She claims, rightfully, that by adding `cultural identity' into the debates about global structures, human agency then becomes central to the discussion. This is one of the book's main strengths and provides a solid model for future studies. Benton states that within the competing legal systems, historical actors were struggling for the ability to draw jurisdictions that best represented themselves and their interests, and resisted being defined (and therefore controlled) by foreign authorities. Benton illustrates that this point was well understood by the litigants in such legal disputes, creating space in her framework for human agency. As Benton demonstrates, these early European empires had legal boundaries that were not defined spatially. Instead, boundaries were drawn in the legal structures, through the creation of cultural distinctions, socially constructed.
Benton claims that her approach challenges Euro-centric views of world history, yet most of her focus is on world history...as it relates to European imperialism. Implicitly, European actions are still portrayed as the main historical generators of global connections. Positing that her general approach allows us to see global connections which antedate the modern inter-state system, her book perhaps would have been stronger if it had incorporated more examples of cross-cultural interactions that did not involve Europeans. (good luck with that, methodologically...in all sincerity) Although she clearly states that her objective is to challenge the supposition that all global "progress" emanated from Europe and the exceptionality of European institutions, Europe still remained central to her "de-centered" global history. To be fair, her work will serve as a piece of the foundation of future global studies, which will owe her a debt of gratitude for laying the ground-work for them.
The book is surprisingly comprehensible, given the breadth and complexity of the subject. Benton deftly weaves together an extremely broad, global structural evolution with individual legal case histories to illustrate human agency within these structures. It is not a dry read. She also perceptively identifies continuities shared between cultures. However, at times Benton's writing is imprecise and difficult to follow. When she journeys into the abstract gaps between cultures, her writing itself often reflects the same vague, intangible concepts she tries to capture. Perhaps this is unavoidable?
It is also foreseeable that regional specialists may encounter specific problematic points that may disrupt the neat conceptual continuity of the book. Additionally, one wonders whether the legal cases she has chosen to illustrate her points are indeed the most representative cases. If the cases chosen are found to be noticeably non-representative of "the norm," and diverge considerably from cases more typical, her overall arguments and conceptual framework would be weakened.
Overall, Benton's book is successful in achieving its ambitious aims. Her approach is useful because she examines the connections between: 1.) the local and global; 2.) the gaps between human agency and global structures; and 3.) the relations between culture and economy. No small task, for a text of less than 300 pages! The author aspired to create a basic approach for studying law as a global institution, as well as for global cultural history, generally. This she has accomplished. For scholars interested in histories dealing with cross-cultural interactions and global/transnational history, Benton's contribution will be valued well into the foreseeable future. Hats off for Dr. Benton.
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