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Letters from Freedom: Post-Cold War Realities and Perspectives (Societies and Culture in East-Central Europe)

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This book covers the period from the fall of Communism (1989) to about 1995. Michnik's earlier role in Solidarity needs clarification. His quarrel with Communism had merely been over its totalitarianism: Michnik had no problem with its atheism. (p. 75).

Perhaps the most interesting, and valuable, aspect of this book is the published discussions, which Michnik had with other luminaries. These included Czeslaw Milosz, the "Czech Lech" Vaclav Havel, and the once-dreaded Wojciech Jaruzelski. Otherwise, much of the book repeats what Michnik had published in his earlier books.

Adam Michnik (vel Aaron Schechter) acquired an unusual [and some say, not genuine] Polishness: "I come from a Jewish family that Polonized itself through communism, a sort of red assimilation. So I had a particular sense of nationality, one that had little relation to present-day national symbols. For example, in Polish families, young boys generally go to church; as for me, I was brought up outside my religious tradition. There is usually a family tradition, based on either the Polish wars of independence or on the Home Army (AK), but none of that existed in our family." (p. 30).

Michnik understands why Poles sometimes deny the fact of anti-Semitism among them. This stems from strident accusations that Poles are innately or universally anti-Semitic: "...(It) immediately arouses a sort of `secondary anti-Semitism' among Poles, because people who are completely free of anti-Semitic phobias feel accused of sins they've never committed." (p. 172). In addition, sweeping accusations of Poles being anti-Semitic had, in the past, been used as a weapon against Poles. Michnik comments: "But it was also clear to us that the stubborn categorization of Poland as an anti-Semitic nation was used in Europe and America as an alibi for the betrayal of Poland at Yalta. The nation so categorized was seen as unworthy of sympathy, or of help, or of compassion. That is why, for years and decades, we have stubbornly explained that anti-Semitic pathology doesn't define Poland..." (p. 172),

Unfortunately, for all his stature as a writer, Michnik is not consistently thoughtful. As is typical of his other books, Michnik trots out the "Polish sins" that he always brings up in his books--a collection of old, disjointed incidents bereft of any understanding, analysis, or historical context. These include the pre-WWII boycotts of Jews, classroom segregation of Jews, Narutowicz assassination, and pacification of Ukrainian villages. (p. 92).

Michnik displays what appears to be a morbid dread of Poland's Catholic Church re-acquiring its power and using it. (e. g., pp. 74-75, 77, 299). Just what is supposed to be the overarching power that the Polish Church once had and yearns to regain, and what specific horrible things is the Church supposed to be contemplating in the event that it re-acquires this dreaded power? This same Michnik, so borderline-paranoid about the hidden malevolence of Catholicism, has no problem with "defending from harassment" the weekly NIE (p. 291), which, not mentioned, is a vile and abusive anti-Catholic magazine.

Typical of Michnik, he has a phobia towards, and liberal knee-jerk reaction to, nationalism.(p. 143, 240). He effortlessly equates nationalism with such no-noes as provincialism, xenophobia, intolerance, and what some have called "my country right or wrong" thinking. (p. 179). This gross oversimplification completely ignores the many different forms, and intensities, of nationalism (e. g., emancipatory nationalism vs. imperialistic nationalism; the totally non-chauvinistic nationalism of Mahatma Gandhi, etc.), and reduces nationalism to a buzzword and bogeyman.