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Lincoln of Kentucky

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In Lincoln of Kentucky, Professor Harrison focused attention on Lincoln and the relationship he had with his native birth state of Kentucky, both before and during the Civil War. Kentucky was unique in that it had ties to both North and South. Its economic ties to the South arose from its rivers and the institution of slavery. By 1860, with the advent of railroads, Kentucky became increasingly tied economically to the North. The majority of Kentuckians were Unionists, who opposed secession, but at the same time objected to any interference with the institution of slavery. They rejected Lincoln's proposal of voluntary, gradual emancipation with federal compensation, and their General Assembly did not ratify the Thirteenth Amendment until many years after it became part of the federal Constittion.

Lincoln exercised great skill and caution in reacting to Kentucky's declared neutrality, realizing how crucial this bellwether border state was to the Union war effort. If the Union lost Kentucky, Confederate forces could mount a defense along the Ohio River, make a military move northward to the Great Lakes and sever the Union. Lincoln believed that if Kentucky joined the Confederacy, the rest of the border states, particularly Missouri and Maryland, would fall into Confederate hands, and perhaps the war itself would be lost. During Kentucky's period of neutrality, Lincoln carefully bided his time, allowing Kentucky to carry on trade with Confederate states until the Unionists gained control of the General Assembly. Once the Unionists controlled the General Assembly, Kentucky's loyalty to the Union was ensured. In September, 1861, Confederate troops under General Pillow occupied Columbus, and Union troops under General Grant moved into Paducah. Kentucky's neutrality had ended and it was now a Union state.

Lincoln's problems with Kentucky did not end with the Unionists gaining control of the General Assembly. In 1862 to 1864, guerilla and Confederate raids in Kentucky, including those by John Hunt Morgan, had become so disruptive to Union communication and supply lines that Lincoln declared martial law and suspended the writ of habeas corpus. Military governors in Kentucky began to crack down on what they considered treasonous acivities by Confederate sympathizers, arresting and confiscating property of both loyal and disloyal citizens. Frequently, Lincoln would intervene to prevent abuses by military commanders. On the advice of trusted friends like Joshua and James Speed, he would pardon prisoners.

Professor Harrison also acquaints the reader with many of the prominant Kentuckians during the Civil War, including the Crittendens, Clays, Breckinridges and Joseph Holt, former secretary of war, and describes the respective roles they played during this critical time in Kentucky history.

Also noteworthy was the fact that after the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation up to 1864, there were 23,703 African Americans from Kentucky who enlisted in the Union Army, which was more than any slave state except for Lousiana. Slave owners in Kentucky were to receive up to $300.00 for each slave who enlisted.

Overall, it was a very informative book on Lincoln and his native birth state of Kentucky, both before and during the Civil War, with a fine collection of prints and photographs to boot.