Customer Reviews

Lincoln President-Elect: Abraham Lincoln and the Great Secession Winter 1860-1861

5 star:		(14)
4 star:		(6)
3 star:		(3)
2 star:		(1)
1 star:		(0)

 

 

Harold Holzer is one of America's finest historians -- a man celebrated for both his vast knowledge of Civil War-era events, as well as his fluid and readable writing style. His latest effort, Lincoln, President-Elect: Abraham Lincoln and the Great Secession Winter 1860-61, is perhaps his finest work of recent vintage. He focuses on the crucial four-month period between the Election of 1860 and the inauguration of the 16th President -- four months that forever changed the fundamental fabric of America. Lincoln's controversial decision to take a hard line with the Southern states, refusing to compromise on key issues such as states' rights, secession, and the right to maintain the institution of slavery.

Holzer paints Lincoln as a strong-willed, decisive politician who has a clear vision of what he wants to accomplish and shrewdly manuevers support for his ambitions and objectives. Written in a fast-paced style that keeps the reader both informed and anticipating Lincoln's next move, this is a book that both presents the facts as they are known from the historical record and, more importantly, interprets the decisions, deals, and moves Lincoln made as he prepared for his presidency during perhaps the most turbulent four-month period in U.S. history.

Divided into two major sections, Holzer's book first deals with "the promise of something better," a phrase that caught fire after the disappointments of the nearly impotent Buchanan Administration. Interspersed with Lincoln's wry humor and stories are details of the political and social issues facing the President-Elect, issues that may have overwhelmed a weaker man. Some authors over the years have portrayed Lincoln as indecisive and full of self-doubt during the crisis, but Holzer, perhaps the best Lincoln scholar of modern times, takes no such position. Instead, his Lincoln is resolute, determined, and sure of himself. His confidence came from his quick grasp of the realities of the situation, coupled with his plans of action.

In the second part, Holzer examines "the momentous issue of civil war," a daunting task that had been festering for a generation but had now boiled over with the election results and the Illinois rail-splitter's non-majority victory. Lincoln weighs his options, forms his plans, and executes them as best he can before taking office. Holzer looks at Lincoln the man, the husband, and the politician turned president-elect, and evaluates him in the light of the times, as well as with the judgement of the known outcomes of his decisions.

All in all, this is without a doubt the best book specifically dealing with Lincoln's four-month transition period where me moves from president-elect to chief executive of a divided United States. Holzer challenges the reader with ideas, concepts, and analysis that is fresh and vital, and, at times, controversial and open to debate and conjecture. Most importantly, Holzer makes the reader think and examine Lincoln for himself.

A close review of the months in Abraham Lincoln's life starting with the presidential election of 1860 and ending with his swearing into office on March 4 of 1861.

Harold Holzer knows his subject both wide and deep. Here he delivers a fresh and accurate account of such matters as the lack of much comment by the newly-elected president on the pending political issues of the day; the long train ride to Washington, D.C. from Springfield (this area of coverage is detailed to a fault); the incessant but necessary handling of patronage; the deft formation of the first cabinet; and the inspired drafting of the First Inaugural Address.

This is not a general biography or history but a very focused look at the period when Mr. Lincoln changed from being a mere candidate for office to one who would lead the United States through its greatest trial.

Holzer's work is thoroughly researched, thoughtfully structured and highly readable. Both lay and academic
audiences will find this volume to be a true delight. Many studies of Lincoln will appear during the bicentennial year of his birth. This volume sets the bar at level that is likely not to be exceeded. It is an outstanding piece
that all Lincoln scholars will cherish.

D. Duane Cummins

I liked this book, but I did not love it. Holzer reports the results of his vast research in this account of Lincoln's activities during the four months from his election until his inauguration. The book contains innumerable details about Lincoln's daily activities: besieged by office seekers, crafting a cabinet, cleverly navigating the climactic political struggle between the states, and carefully writing and editing his every word. Lincoln emerges as keenly attentive and actively involved in political affairs even though his status as president-elect denied him any official power. Perhaps the best part of the book follows Lincoln's efforts to write his first inaugural address, which Holzer justly praises as one of Lincoln's underappreciated masterpieces. As usual, one finishes the book with a greater regard for Lincoln, though Holzer recounts Lincoln's errors as well (including the fall-out from his rushed trip to Washington to avoid an assassination threat in Baltimore).

Yet the whole of the book does not quite rise to the level of the sum of its detailed parts. The detail obscures the fact that Lincoln did not have much that he could do during the lame-duck period. Indeed, Holzer quotes Lincoln's assertion that he "would willingly take out of my life a period in years equal to the two months which intervene between now and my inauguration to take the oath of office now." The disintegration of the United States that occurred while Lincoln was president-elect and his inability to do anything about it is more damning of our lengthy lame-duck periods than it is of Lincoln himself. But Lincoln's absence of power strips his activities as president-elect of much meaning. The attention to Lincoln's daily activities is unaccompanied by a parallel reminder of what other actors were doing that time. Holzer's discussion of the seceding southern states tails off after a while, and there is little explanation of President Buchanan and the lame-duck Congress were doing during the same time. It is not fair to expect Holzer to fully address each of those actors in the same detail as Lincoln, but Lincoln's activities would become more meaningful if more context were provided.

Harold Holzer has produced a wonderful biography of Abraham Lincoln, probably our greatest President, during the critical months between his November 1860 election and his March 1861 inauguration.

Using many new sources, Holzer paints a picture of Lincoln as a strong determined leader, who, while remaining quiet publicly as the South seceded amid vitriol and threats towards Lincoln far greater than that any other President has faced. Lincoln wrote letters to his allies, which they circulated, and powerful letters to the newspapers, which purported to be anonymous but which many recognized as coming from his pen.

Of course, the cornpone Lincoln, who loved to stand back to back with other tall men for measurement, and who relished corny old fashioned dialect stories and jokes, is also here.

Holzer proves that Lincoln was also not only a great writer, but an even greater editor, as with the last paragraph of his brilliant First Inaugural Address, which William Seward first wrote and Lincoln then polished into a gem.

Holzer also tells about Lincoln's sojourn on his way from Springfield to Washington, D.C., by train, through the Northern cities and villages, where people turned out in huge enthusiastic crowds, in order to see and hear a President-elect for the first time in American history.

There are also humorous asides, such as the fact that the Lincolns kept dropping in on President Buchanan at the White House unannounced, due to the lack of telephones, Mary's shopping trip from Springfield to New York City for a new wardrobe, and Lincoln's unannounced trip to the Capitol to meet with the Senators and Representatives, and Lincoln's nemesis, the ancient Chief Justice Roger Tawny, author of the Dred Scott decision, at the Supreme Court chambers in the lower part of the Capitol. Ironically, Tawny was the one who gave Lincoln the oath of office.

It is particularly fitting that our new President-Elect, Obama, a great admirer of Lincoln's writings and example, began his campaign in February 2007 outside the old State House in Springfield, where Lincoln used the Governor's office during his transition, and ended it in Grant Park, near the magnificent statue of Abraham Lincoln.

This book has a narrow focus - the time between when Lincoln was known to have won the election, and when he was finally sworn in. I got this book because I had heard the conventional wisdom that Lincoln's inactivity during this period was a major negative, and wanted to know more - in this, this book succeeds very well. The book argues very persuasively that Lincoln had to worry about the _very_ real dangers (I didn't realize how real until this book) that either (a) the electoral college wouldn't have enough electors to form a quorum, hence throwing the election into the house, or (b) some electors could change their mind. The author also argues, slightly less persuasively, that Lincoln was very active behind the scenes, blocking this legislation, promoting that one, etc.

One thing that really struck me in this book was how less "imperial" the presidency was - at one point Lincoln holds a yard sale, writing out hand-written receipts! I found these touches very interesting and worthwhile.

I also appreciate the author's examination of the Crittenden Compromise and the Peace Commission, two last-gasp attempts by the Senate to find a compromise - the fact that of the 5 amendments the Peace Commission wound up proposing, 5 dealt explicitly with slavery, show how central and primary that issue was, no matter what revisionist historians may argue.

The author also does a good job showing Lincoln's masterful ability as a writer - I especially appreciate how it "compares and contrasts" his writings to parallel writings by Seward, Jeff Davis, etc.

Finally, recommendations for those who enjoyed this book - for those who want a "prequel", I would recommend the author's book on the Cooper Union speech ("Lincoln at Cooper Union"). for those interested in a "sequel", the excellent "Dissonance: The Turbulent Days Between Fort Sumter and Bull Run" by David Detzer starts almost exactly, to the day, when this book ends.

There he gazes at us from the serenity of Mount Rushmore; the copper visage on the penny and his seat at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington DC.
Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865) has become an American Icon. Rare is the historian who can bring Lincoln alive with verve, wit, anecdotal gems and a smooth narrative flow. Such an author is the peerless Lincoln scholar Harold Holzer. Holzer has written or edited over thirty books on our sixteenth president and is a familiar face on C-Span or other networks when the topic is Abraham Lincoln.
In this new book Holzer explores the life of Lincoln from the night he won the presidency in November 1860 until he rose his right hand to take the oath of office on March 4, 1861. Lincoln was sworn in by Justice Roger Taney, ancient Chief Justice of the Supreme Court,who presided over that court during the Dred Scott Decision of 1857.
Lincoln had defeated his old Senate foe Stephen A. Douglas the Northern Democrat, John Breckinridge the Vice President under Buchanan and Southern Democrat Standard bearer and John Bell of the Unionist party.
While he received less than 50% of the popular vote he won a substantial margin i the electoral college.
Lincoln had not campaigned for this was an age when candidates stayed at home. Following his election he was visited by:
a. countless persons visiting Lincoln in his Springfield home to win jobs in the new administration. The spoils system was in full flood. These visits often wore Lincoln out as he had to meet with his assortment of oddballs and pests eager to get on the Republican gravy train.
b. Lincoln received men eager to be named to the cabinet. He took his time in selecting his cabinet officers. The notable selections included men who had themselves wanted to be elected chief executive in 1861: Salmon P. Chase of Ohio named Secretary of the Treasury; William Seward who became Secretary of State; E. Bates of Missouri as Attorney General
c . Answer voluminous mail. Lincoln had a staff of 2! John Nicolay and John Hay. Lincoln wrote his own speeches and was a workaholic!
d. Wrap up his law business in Springfield and prepare to move with his wife Mary and sons Willie and Tad to the White House. Oldest son Robert was a Harvard student.Lincoln grew a beard to look more hirsute and statesman-like and to follow the advice of Grace Bedell a young girl who came to one of his New York state rallies.
e. Lincoln refused to state his course of action in the "great secession winter" when South Carolina and six other deep south states seceded from the Union.
f. Lincoln made a poignant visit to the Illinois home of his stepmother Sarah Johnson and his relatives. He never saw her again.
The most iteresting part of the book is the journey Lincoln and Mary took from Springfield to Washington which transpired in eighteen days in February 1861, Lincoln addressed large crowds in such cities as Chicago, Cincinnati, Indianapolis, Cleveland, Buffalo, Albany and New York City.
The trip was exhausting filled with countless speeches, dinners, receptions and gladhanding supporters. The mode of railroad travel and accomodations in hotels was uncomfortable. Few modern politicians could have stood this experience!
Lincoln proceeded with care through rebel loving Baltimore taking a passenger train instead of the offical train. This was an exciting episode in which he learned of plots against his life. These plots were reported to him through the office of General Winfield Scott and the Pinkerton Detective agency. Lincoln would be the target of editiorial criticism and cartoons for "sneaking through Baltimore like a coward."
This reviewer found, on the contrary, a cool, calm and collected Lincoln who realistically faced danger and dealt with it in a exemplary manner.
The four months of the president-elect status of Lincoln were crucial in his planning to lead the nation through its most trying hours. Lincoln was a genius with words and political acumen. Lincoln worked hard on his first inagural address which has become a classic speech in history. In t he sought reconciliation with the seceded states.
Harold Hozer's book will become a classic. In this time when our nation again prepares for a new president Barack Obama who, like his hero Lincoln, comes from Illinois this book is a joy to read and ponder.

Many historians, as well as contemporaneous critics, contend that Lincoln was largely ineffectual during the time between his election and his inauguration.

Harold Holzer offers a magisterial retort, with multiple angles.

First, he says, at times due to custom, and at times as a political tactic, Lincoln was compelled to often maintain a policy of near-silence on the burning issue of secession itself.

Second, he shows how Lincoln was active behind the scenes, communicating with Republican leaders around the nation, working on developing a Cabinet, "leaking" some of his ideas to friends and surrogates for inclusion in their own speeches, and more.

And, he was doing all this under the crush of demands for political patronage as the first president of his party, assisted by the grand staff of Nicolay and Hay, with a little help from older friends.

Except for a couple of stumbles on his way from Sprinfield to DC, brought on by tiredness of a high degree, Lincoln managed well to keep his own counsel, maintain a line of "friendly firmness" toward the South and more.

Holzer explains how.

That said, there is a mistake or two in this book, and not just a copy editing type mistake, as noted by one other reviewer.

Early in the book, Holzer says that, at the time of Lincoln, no president since Jackson had sought, or achieved, re-election. On the "achieved," of course, he is right.

But, Jackson's hand-picked successor, Van Buren, sought re-election in 1840, let alone again in 1848 as the Free Soil candidate. And Millard Fillmore had sought re-election just four years ago as the Native American (Know Nothing) candidate.

In contrast to getting two Mondays mixed up, this error shouldn't have gotten in the book in the first place.

Notwithstanding that, this is still a definite five-star book; it's just a reminder to always read carefully!

Harold Holzer may be an "amateur" historian, but he has written two of the very best Lincoln bios I have ever read. Lincoln at Cooper Union explained how Lincoln was able to transition from a regional politician who hadn't won a campaign in more than a decade, into a national figure--a matter that had always puzzled me. But Lincoln President Elect is even better. The conventional wisdom has been that Lincoln lost his sea legs after the election until well after the inaugural. But Holzer proves with amazing original research that the contrary is true: Lincoln acted with as much wisdom and intentionality during this period as he did later. Yes, he made mistakes. But Lincoln was already becoming Lincoln.

I think the book also proves the lie that for the South, secession wasn't about slavery. That is precisely what it was about, and attempts to revise that truth hit a solid wall in Holzer's fascinating recounting, which includes the perspectives being expressed in the South as state after state seceeded in "the Great Secession Winter."

Anyone who wants to understand Abraham Lincoln, in a book with a highly readable and absorbing narrative, should read Harold Holzer. Cooper Union was great. President Elect is nothing short of outstanding.

The most critical event in U.S. history has to be the Civil War or War Between the States. The country broke apart, and in four years more than 600,000 lost their lives. Why did this happen? What caused this failure? And could it have been avoided? Compromise is one of the significant themes in the country's history, but why was the political system unable to compromise in 1860-61? Can we fairly assess blame for this?

In November 1860 a candidate was elected president by getting electoral votes from only the northern and eastern states, an unprecedented thing. On the great issue of the day -- slavery and its expansion -- the winner of this election took a clear-cut stand. Slavery was and would continue to be protected in states where it already existed but would not be allowed to spread into the areas (called "territories") that were not yet states. This candidate, of course, was Abraham Lincoln. In those days, there was a four month interval between November election and the winner taking office. Could compromise be achieved before the March 4 inauguration?

One of the key ideas in this book, whose purpose is to examine what Lincoln did, thought, spoke, and wrote during this lengthy period, is that Lincoln refused to compromise on the issue of slavery's extension into the territories. Other political figures of the time (Republicans and Democrats, Northerners and Southerners) made an attempt to compromise. Lincoln, however, would tolerate no bending on this issue and did just about everything in his power to stymie those seeking compromise. He also considered but decided against appointing a person from the deep South to his cabinet. It is true that he did allow William Seward, his appointee for Secretary of State (if Seward would accept), to convince him to soften somewhat the tone of the inaugural address, but only slightly.

For me, Lincoln's hard stand pretty much made compromise impossible. I said "for me" because author Harold Holzer does not explicitly state this. His book is essentially a very detailed description of Lincoln during those four months but avoids hardly any interpretation or analysis. Narrative history such as this certainly has its place, but some readers, myself included, might wish for a bit more. In my experience the best history combines narration with interpretation and analysis.

This is a book for those who are fascinated by Lincoln and have the time to read a rather lengthy (475 pages) book, one whose size frankly intimidated me a bit at the start but which I enjoyed by the end.

Tim Koerner February 2009