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Making Democracy Work Better: Mediating Structures, Social Capital, and the Democratic Prospect

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This book furthers the general understanding of social capital, civil society, democracy, nonprofit organizations, voluntary action and, to a limited extent, philanthropy.

A primary contribution of this book is a resurrection and development of a different conception of social capital than what Robert Putnam has articulated. Couto elaborates on Robert A. Nisbet's 1962 conception of social capital as including a material base as well as the moral or value base about which Putnam writes.

According to Couto, "Nisbet relates the failure of intermediate associations (family, community, church, and the whole network of informal interpersonal relationships) to provide the psychological and symbolic functions of social capital -- that is, its moral element -- directly to their diminished capacity to perform the material and economic functions of social capital" (identified as "mutual aid, welfare, education, recreation, and economic production and distribution") (p.53).

Borrowing also on Julian Wolpert, Couto says, "People have different amounts of social capital depending on the actual or potential resources, the size of the network to which they are linked, and the amount of economic and cultural capital the members of that network have." And citing Pierre Bourdieu, Couto adds, "Social capital is never independent of the other forms of capital..." (p.62).

The book then proceeds to narrate the stories of 23 community-based "mediating structures" in Appalachia and discuss how they contribute to social capital, civil society and democracy from a regional economic base that is among the poorest in the country.

At first blush, this seems to contradict the theory above. How can this economically impoverished area produce mediating structures that can succeed in adding to social capital (both moral and material)?

And how do the mediating structures promote democracy?

Recognizing that Nisbet, Wolpert and Bourdieu are correct, nevertheless, Couto demonstrates that increases in social capital and democracy are possible through the interventions of mediating structures even in the most economically devastated and politically corrupt areas of our country.

These Appalachian mediating structures ranged from very local organizations -- such as Dungannon Development Commission (VA), Brumley Gap Concerned Citizens (VA) and Bumpass Cove Citizens Group (TN) -- to statewide and regional organizations -- such as West Virginia Primary Care Association, Virginia Black Lung Association and Southern Empowerment Project (TN). They were organized to deal with economic development, environment, health, families and children, housing, human resources, culture and the arts, organizational and leadership development, and broad public policy.

A key factor in the mediating structures' successes (though not all the nonprofit organizations were successful in everything they conceived or undertook) was the ability of the organizations to extract material assistance from local, regional, state and federal governments and occasionally from for-profit businesses.

Sometimes they developed non-controversial partnerships with governments and businesses to add to the material basis of their communities. Sometimes they undertook controversial direct action to challenge unfair corporate or government policies. And sometimes organizations did both. Couto maintains that the dichotomy between "community development" -- which is usually non-controversial partnering -- and "community organizing" -- which is often associated with controversial direct action -- is a false one when considering the activities and achievements of these 23 Appalachian mediating structures.

Viewing these Appalachian nonprofit organizations from another perspective, many of them delivered services to their constituencies. Many advocated for changes in public policies at both the bureaucratic and the legislative levels. And many did both. Couto demonstrates through his narratives about the 23 organizations that the services and advocacy dichotomy is just as false as the community organizing-community development one.

Couto says, "Community-based mediating structures spend a considerable portion of their effort mitigating the worst consequences of a market economy predicated on rugged individualism and unadaptive capitalism. (They) promote the democratic prospect in places where public social welfare policies are most desperately needed" (p.299).

They promote democracy by building self-esteem in individuals who are often patronized for their poverty, illiteracy and poor health. They promote democracy by teasing out larger visions of how the world could be better against a backdrop of corporate rapaciousness and governmental indifference. They deliver services to their members and others in the community which help recruit people to participate in collective action. They promote democracy by organizing the individuals and their visions into collective action -- whether it be community development or direct action. Even when they fail, or when they succeed then fall apart, they promote democracy by having built self-esteem, enabled vision, and gave birth to concepts of collective action, community development and direct action which frequently translate into new organizations and action that are frequently more effective than the earlier incarnations. Everyone who participated in these Appalachian mediating structures was more aware of the possibilities -- and difficulties -- of democracy after their participation.

But at the same time, Couto suggests that these "mediating structures only supplement efforts to redress market failures." (p. 300) They might provide some help in alleviating the problems associated with workers' injuries or stopping the constant destruction of the enviroment by the coal companies, but they cannot make up for the short supply of public goods and services that might provide full recompense for such situations.

Nevertheless, the rich histories of these community-based organizations in Couto's book demonstrate a complex set of political, social and economic roles. In their political roles, the community-based organizations assist their members and their communities to discover the historical, social and economic origins of their conditions and to develop methods of redress. In their social roles, the organizations create the networks that Putnam and others suggest are critical to building social capital. Finally, in their economic roles, the organizations "weave government programs into these networks far more than limited-government advocates understand." (p.299)

While social theorists portray these local organizations as defenses against government intrusion, which they are, they do more than that by leveraging government money to provide goods and services otherwise in short supply, an essential ingredient to their organizational members and communities to both create and expand key social capital networks.

Robert Bothwell is President Emeritus/Senior Fellow of the National Committee for Responsive Philanthropy, Washington, DC, USA

As the title indicates, this work builds upon (but independant from) Robert Putnum's "Making Democracy Work." In a book both approprate for univeristy level study and laymen alike, Couto presents the subject in three parts. First, Couto provides a well versed lesson in the civic sphere and mediating structures. The middle provides a virtual overkill of sucessfull mediating structures as examples. These examples help the reader understand that the civic sphere isn't some intangable ideal discussed by high-minded professor types, but rather a vital active (and very real) aspect of democracy. The examples lead the reader into the third part where Couto argues that a true and healthy democracy can only be achieved through citizen participation.

Couto focuses upon the central and southern Applachian regions in this work. He shows that if these people historically oppressed by industrial greed, political corruptness and belittling cultural sterotypes can stand up to the tide of Corporate globalism and demand demorcatic justice, then everybody can also. Couto doesn't break new ground, but rather expands upon this very important subject. These are issues addressed by Tocqueville and expanded upon by many great minds since then. Couto has futhered the intellectual pursuit of this concept.

Dr. Couto says, "Mediating structures are a prerequisite to democracy. They preserve the liberty of citizens to act on public matters apart form government. They permit their members representation and participation in the sociopolitical arrangements of the neighborhood, community. nation, or state....The test for the democratic nature of mediating structures involves the stringent test of all three elements--liberty, equality, and political action--not only one of the three." With examples drawn from the Appalachia region, community social capital, in his view, are often adequate to meet local decision-making and problem-solving needs, but must be supplemented by outside resources to ensure adequate long-term solutions.