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Miles to Go: A Personal History of Social Policy [Paperback]

The Honorable Daniel Patrick Moynihan (Author)
4.5 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (4 customer reviews)

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Book Description

October 1, 1997

Has liberalism lost its way--or merely its voice? This book by one of the nation's most insightful, articulate, and powerful Democrats at last breaks the silence that has greeted the Republican Party's revolution of 1994. When voters handed Democrats their worst defeat in 100 years, New Yorkers returned Daniel Patrick Moynihan to the Senate for his fourth term. Amid the wreck of his party's control and the disarray of programs and policies he has championed for three decades, Senator Moynihan here takes stock of the politics, economics, and social problems that have brought us to this pass. With a clarity and civility far too rare in the political arena, he offers a wide-ranging meditation on the nation's social strategies for the last 60 years, as well as a vision for the years to come.

Because Senator Moynihan has long been a defender of the policies whose fortunes he follows here, Miles to Go is in a sense autobiographical, an exemplary account of the social life of the body politic. As it guides us through government's attempts to grapple with thorny problems like family disintegration, welfare, health care, deviance, and addiction, Moynihan writes of "The Coming of Age of American Social Policy." Through most of our history American social policy has dealt with issues that first arose in Europe, and essentially followed European models. Now, in a post-industrial society we face issues that first appear in the United States for which we will have to devise our own responses. Ringing with the wisdom of experience, decency, and common sense, Miles to Go asks "why liberalism cannot be taught what conservatives seem to know instinctively"--to heed the political and moral sentiments of the people and reshape itself for the coming age.


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Editorial Reviews

Amazon.com Review

When his 1965 report to President Johnson, "The Negro Family: The Case For National Action," identified the breakdown of the traditional family as a major cause of African-American poverty and crime, Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan was roundly attacked by liberals for "blaming the victims." Since then the debate has shifted in his direction and he has been in the forefront of many debates on welfare. His latest book on the subject mixes historical perspective, personal reminiscence, and his comments on the state of welfare today. His focus remains the family, and particularly the problem of illegitimacy and single welfare mothers, whom he believes trapped in dependency by the current system. Moynihan is hard on successive administrations for failing to heed his warnings. Contrarily he berates the Clinton administration too for its attempt at reform in 1996, predicting dire consequences. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.

From Publishers Weekly

Moynihan, the senior U.S. senator from New York and one of the most distinguished figures on the political landscape today, gives his view of what happened between the Social Security Act of 1935 and the present. In his latest book, he has combined a mix of historical perspective, contemporary comment and personal reminiscences. Of the latter, quite a few could be considered self-congratulatory. The statistics presented are impressive, especially in the areas of welfare, medical, education and voting patterns. However, some do seem a bit fatuous. One of these predicts a revolt of the lowest quartile in aptitude and education against "the ultimate injustice of a society based upon merit." Fortunately for those of us who may not be around to witness it, Moynihan doesn't see this uprising occurring until 2031. The social reform of the New Deal, he argues, was successful in aiding Americans for whom poverty was solely a lack of resources (e.g. the elderly). It failed, however, where "poverty had its origin in social behavior." He argues that there are no workable European models for us to adopt as we have in the past; and, without being specific about plans, is cautiously optimistic that the country will find policies that will address social inequities and the realities of "post-traditional society." Presumably, the author has drawn his title from the classic Robert Frost poem "Stopping by the Woods on a Snowy Evening." Like Frost's metaphorical pony, the book tends to meander at times, but it is still well worth the reader's attention.
Copyright 1996 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.

Product Details

  • Paperback: 288 pages
  • Publisher: Harvard University Press (October 1, 1997)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 0674574419
  • ISBN-13: 978-0674574410
  • Product Dimensions: 9.3 x 6.2 x 0.7 inches
  • Shipping Weight: 11.4 ounces (View shipping rates and policies)
  • Average Customer Review: 4.5 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (4 customer reviews)
  • Amazon Best Sellers Rank: #947,853 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

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12 of 12 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars A call to arms for a political social science, January 12, 2002
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First, let's realize what this book isn't. It is not a collection of previous essays, although it excerpts heavily from a number of essays, both from the 60s and the 90s. It is also not a memoir.

It's an argument for a different role for the social sciences in policy making. First, it's an argument by repeated example of the predictive power of the social sciences. And, second, it's a call for social scientists and the government to start doing work seriously on the issues of the day.

So, first. He's telling us that we can do social science that tells us things about the world that we live in. Like what? One, government supervision of the economy from WWII to the present day. Two, his observation in the 70s that the Soviet Union was already in the early stages of collapse. Three, his argument that the illegitimacy rates where (1) going to skyrocket and (2) that it would be a problem. He tells us that these were not mysterious phenomena and that had the data not been ignored, public policy could have addressed them appropriately. This is important, partly to remind us of it, but also to challenge some writers on the right, such as Thomas Sowell, who argues, essentially, the opposite.

Second, this book argues that both the social scientists and the politicians need to take social science seriously. And, furthermore, part of the problem is the liberal professionalization of "Do Gooders". Why wasn't illegitimacy attacked in the 60s and 70s? Because some of the people on the left really are as morally squishy as the people on the right say they are! They were afraid to push a family structure, especially a "traditional" one.. Furthermore, he argues, that this phenomenon had been described by Durkheim in the Rules of Sociological Method.

This book is, in the end, a call for a scientifically-informed moderate social policy. A social policy that is not afraid to speak of "values" and, indeed, "family values", but is also understands the sociology behind the modern/urban/liberal context. Furthermore, it's proof-by-example that it is achievable.

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8 of 8 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars Thought-provoking but somewhat difficult to follow, October 26, 2004
In a series of loosely-connected chapters roughly organized around topics such as illegitimacy, welfare, and the rise of drug "epidemics," Moynihan reviews his life, work and positions in social policy.

Written in the aftermath of the 1994 Republican takeover of Congress, Moynihan essentially seems to be arguing that liberalism needs to refocus its paradigm. He claims that much of our social policy is rooted in a 19th-century understanding of problems inherent to an industrial economy, and that by and large, these problems have been solved (for example, the problem of stabilizing the economy; he also has some interesting and novel insights on the "health-care crisis," pointing out that in comparison to the 1800s and early 1900s, the health care system has improved immeasurably, not least because we've finally managed to get the medical profession to the point where it actually *doesn't hurt* its patients--now if we could only pull off the same with psychology!) He argues that the problems we are now facing, such as the persistence of poverty in the inner cities, are problems germane to a new kind of *post-industrial* society, and are less amenable to the kinds of social policy solutions that helped deal with the earlier problems. He sees many modern problems as being significantly influenced by what he calls "character" effects. Putting this in less loaded terms, he's essentially arguing that urban poverty is concomitant with various negative social factors--such as fatherlessness, early single motherhood, drug lifestyle, etc.--which at the very least make it more difficult to escape conditions of urban poverty. (There is something to this idea: this is somewhat similar to the thesis put forward by Paul Willis in LEARNING TO LABOR, his study of British working-class youths.) These problems require new manners of approaches in order to deal with them. These approaches, however, have been lacking; partly, Moynihan argues, because liberals have been reluctant to discuss these negative social factors because it goes against political correctness and because it can sound like "blaming the victim."

His stance against welfare reform comes across a little too much as "Think of the children! Won't somebody *please* THINK of the CHILDREN!" hysteria, and his apocalyptic predictions about mass homelessness, etc. were not borne out (see DeParle's book THE AMERICAN DREAM for a thorough exploration of this topic, but essentially it turned out that welfare recipients were a lot less dependent on welfare and a lot more able to find jobs than many on the left had thought--which isn't to say, by the way, that welfare reform worked). His rhetoric on crime also comes across as exaggerated and unreliable. For example, at one point he attempts to buttress an argument by comparing supposed lists of biggest problems faced by schools in the 1940s (chewing gum, running in halls, etc.) vs the 1990s (teen pregnancy, suicide, drugs.) This is an urban legend which has been debunked (check out snopes.com--Language, then Documentary Evidence). He also is somewhat cavalier in his use of statistics and factoids--at one point, he cites the factoid that SAT scores have declined precipitously over the past forty or fifty years or so, but fails to mention that possible confounding variables including the fact that SATs used to be administered to a relatively elite population but are now being taken by an ever-larger and increasing cross-section of society. Careless use of decontextualized factoids like this have the effect of undercutting the validity of his claims. Others have also commented that Moynihan comes across as a little too self-congratulatory (which he does). Nevertheless, this work provides food for thought on a range of social policy, and a somewhat innovative take on understanding modern social ills.
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7 of 10 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars A wealth of wisdom, November 13, 2001
This review is from: Miles to Go: A Personal History of Social Policy (Paperback)
I must first note that this book is extremely poorly edited. It oscillates from current commentary to previously published essays and articles without significant distinction. This along with an introduction that occupies a third of the book makes for a frustrating read. Moreover, Moynihan doesn't always state what he is trying to say so the reader must be alert for not-so-obvious implications.

Having said all this, this book is a true resevoir of wisdom. In tackling issues from moral decline to welfare reform to the drug war to "Reaganism," Moynihan both parts ways with contemporary liberalism while offering sharp critiques of past and current policies. Ever the social scientist, Moynihan is quick to demonstrate how "conventional wisdom" can be utterly wrong while at the same time dismissing those who would sieze on simplistice generalizations of scientific research in furtherance of radical agendas.

A difficult read but well worth it.

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In the summer of 1987 I was in Moscow on a mission of possible importance. Read the first page
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full employment surplus, nonmarital births
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New York, United States, Social Security, New Deal, Soviet Union, White House, World War, Council of Economic Advisers, Finance Committee, Los Angeles, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Cold War, Department of Labor, Norman Zinberg, President Reagan, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Negro American, President Clinton, President Kennedy, Washington Post, George Bush, Nathan Glazer, President Bush, President Nixon, University of Chicago
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