5.0 out of 5 stars
Great book, January 4, 2012
This review is from: The Minsk Ghetto 1941-1943: Jewish Resistance and Soviet Internationalism (Hardcover)
This book is in a league with Timothy Snyder's
Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin which it precedes. The author has given us insight into events in Eastern Europe during WWII which are hardly known and which transform the way we can think about the "Holocaust" and how it is used to justify ongoing oppression.
Count Leo Tolstoy viewed history through the eyes of ordinary people. There would have been no Napoleonic invasion of Russia had not French farmer's sons followed the General. The same ordinary people in Byelorussia joined together to resist Nazi occupation. Their cooperation contradicts the common understanding of the relationship of Jews in Nazi ghettos to their non-Jewish neighbors. The accepted reasoning goes that since Jews in the Diaspora could expect nothing but hostility from an anti-Semitic world, their only option has been martyred resistance. This view is crucial to the justification for Zionism, the establishment of the state of Israel, and arguments for Israeli treatment of Palestinians. For Jews survival depends on having their own state based the on motto "never again." Thus Jews have to protect Israel with the same determination that went into the Warsaw ghetto uprising. The argument continues that the Diaspora demonstrates that friends are, at best, unreliable allies and ultimately not trustworthy.
Ms. Epstein has spent much time in Belarus, doing interviews, wrestling with the required languages, and combing archives and personal memorabilia. Her research is impressive. What made White Russia so different from Poland, the Ukraine, and Lithuania? In Minsk Jews forced into the ghetto maintained good relations with the non-Jewish underground outside while the Warsaw ghetto got minimal assistance. This, along with the proximity of Minsk to dense woodlands, made it possible for Jews to join the resistance. Ten percent of ghetto residents were able to escape, about 10,000 women, children and fighters. The comparable figure for Warsaw was 70,000 or 5%, hidden mostly in the city. Not only did Minsk evangelicals open orphanages to hide Jewish children but others, on pain of death, entered the ghetto, hid guns, abetted Jewish sabotage, warned ghetto residents of coming pogroms and made their homes available to refugees and as way stations.
In Minsk the strategy adopted was different than in most other ghettos except to some degree Kovno. Most factions of the Minsk underground saw escaping to the forests to fight with the partisans as the goal whereas elsewhere it was a final apocalypse against the Germans from within the ghetto. When Communist Party officials fled the onslaught of invading Germans, ordinary folk left behind had to create their own resistance from scratch. Fearful of Communist revenge for taking initiative, resistance fighters assumed that somehow they had proper authorization. To check on this across German lines was impossible. It is interesting that when the ghetto was finally razed there were resistance groups which never had had contact with the central ghetto underground, reinforcing the argument that the ghetto underground was self-initiated.
The main theme of the book is summed up in a response Epstein received during an interview. She asked a non-Jewish Byelorussian why Byelorussians helped the Jews. The answer was unselfconsciously, "They were Soviet Citizens." For many Byelorussians were simply fellow citizens who happened to have Jewish stamped on their identity cards for "nationality." This answer stopped me in my intellectual tracks. It does not fit with the arguments about the Holocaust used to justify Zionist behavior. Why in Poland, Lithuania, and the Ukraine were Jews fellow Soviet citizens? The author's answer is very interesting although it still leaves me a bit puzzled. Minsk was in the Russian Pale Settlements to which Jews were confined by Catherine the Great, but treatment of Jews was less harsh than, say, in the Ukraine. Although hostility Epstein towards Jews was generally based on Christian ideology, in Poland and the Ukraine the role of Jews' as money collectors for Polish landlords engendered special hatred. This was not the case in Belarus. In Belarus Jews were, on the whole, much poorer. In both Poland and the Ukraine Jews were seen as richer than they actually were whereas even professional Jews in the cities of Belarus were visibly as poor as their neighbors. And while there were pogroms in Belarus they were much milder than the great pogroms of the Ukraine.
Also when anti-Semitic nationalist movements began to develop in 19th and 20th century Ukraine, Poland and the Baltic states, Byelorussians didn't see themselves as so different from Russians that they needed to claim ethnic purity to differentiate themselves. So Jews were not so much an "other" in their midst. White Russians were mostly illiterate poor peasants while in the cities were poor Jews (up to 50%), Russians and other nationalities. With the success of the Russian Revolution, many Jews became part of the Communist apparatus. During the abuses of collectivization and The Great Terror (about which the author says little), Jewish commissars played a noticeable role. But these events had much less effect on White Russians than Ukrainians because there were fewer large peasants whose land and grain were confiscated. Also since collectivization and industrial development mainly improved life in Byelorussia, the populace was more favorably disposed towards the Soviet state.
In traditionally anti-Semitic Poland, its interwar populous and government, saw Jews as communists and socialists allied with forces hostile to Polish nationalism. Whatever were the reasons, Belarus seemed amazingly more accepting of Jews than its neighbors. This laid the basis for cooperation and a different outcome for residents of the Minsk ghetto. The Germans never understood why, but they were unable to gain White Russian sympathy for their anti-Semitic policies. In fact White Russian guards and police often aided Jews and the underground whereas anti-Soviet Ukrainians were known for their collaboration and active persecution of Jews.
Why is so little known about the Minsk ghetto that resurrection of knowledge about it comes as a surprise? Political events after WWII combined to leave it in the shadow. As Snyder points out, with the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, possibly to mollify Hitler who equated communism with Judaism, Stalin began to reduce the number of Jews in the Party. And during WWII he identified the struggle with Russian nationalism downplaying the heroism of nationalities and prohibiting mention of the exceptional treatment of Jews by the Nazis. Because the Germans were able to mobilize nationalist anti-communism and anti-Semitism when lands were reconquered peoples who had lived under German rule were suspected of collaboration. In order to not alienate them further, Stalin prevented refugee Jews from returning and cancelled prewar prohibitions against anti-Semitism. In fact, he went further instituting anti-Semitic policies. So until his death, mention of ghetto resistance was almost criminal. In fact distrust of the resistance during the occupation lead to long prison terms for its fighters. Added to this, during the Cold War both the rhetoric of Zionism and, in America, McCarthyism led Jews to be fearful of any reference to Jewish socialism or cooperation between ghettos and communist allies.
The above explanations are historical generalizations. Most of the book is made up of the stories of people. It is impossible to read this book without being awed by individual heroism. I easily fell in love with Raissa Khasenyevich (in two pictures), Chasya Mendeleevan Purslina, Hersch Smolar, and even the German officer Otto Schultz who, with his Jewish lover Ilse Stein, joined the resistance in a story of which movies are made. He was later killed by returning Stalinists. The Germans shot people for the slightest offence, or dragged them off in pogroms of thousands to be eliminated mostly by gunfire but also by carbon monoxide exhaust piped into the back of truck trailers. The resistance and ordinary people faced death daily, crawling out under the ghetto's sloppily barb-wired fence, being found in the wrong place, smuggling an item into the ghetto, hiding a Jew or even looking Jewish. And as Snyder points out, Belarus suffered the highest percentage of population killed during WWII of any country in Eastern Europe. Although while some tortured people gave up their comrades, others said nothing. Maids, hospital workers, members of the Judenrat, secretaries and workers helped to oppose the Germans. Many left records of their deeds and others shared with the author what they had done. Looking at their pictures in the book leaves me to wonder whether I would have had the strength to do what they did; so many died, at least half of those that escaped the ghetto, even whole villages.
Although the forests of White Russia afforded protection and Germans feared to enter them, the Germans did organize systematic attempts to surround and destroy the resistance, burning villages they suspected of helping the underground. Getting to the resistance was always very hazardous and despite clever tactics like a truck supposed to be on its way to work. Many died in their attempts to join the resistance either encountering Germans, getting lost or betrayed.
Of course in German planning the elimination of the Jews was only preparatory to the cleansing of Eastern Europe of Slavs. When food became scarce in Germany the army was instructed to live off the land which lead to the starvation of Byelorussian peasants, a subject outside the scope of this book. Similarly Stalin has...
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