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Nation, State, and Economy (Lib Works Ludwig Von Mises PB)
 
 
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Nation, State, and Economy (Lib Works Ludwig Von Mises PB) [Paperback]

Ludwig von Mises (Author)
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Book Description

0865976414 978-0865976412 August 25, 2006
In 1919, Mises explained how the first World War had come about, distinguishing between nations, states, and economies. Prior to the nineteenth century, the boundaries of a state were determined by conquest, coercion, rulers, and princes; the people had nothing to say in the matter. A nation, composed of persons speaking the same language and to a large extent sharing the same culture, was an essentially neutral concept, in no way incompatible with a liberal economy, individual freedom, democracy, and the right of self-determination. Yet this peaceful nationalism gave way to militarism, international conflict, and war. Why?

Nations, like individuals, learn from experience. The largely liberal movement for a “greater Germany,” composed of Germany, German-Austria, and scattered enclaves of German nationals in neighboring countries, was frustrated by the state in the form of the Kingdom of Prussia, which became the German Empire, and the Hapsburg Empire of Austria-Hungary. Essential to Mises’s concept of a classical liberal economy is the absence of interference by the state. Under the chancellorship of Bismarck, the essentially reactionary German state became increasingly intrusive in every aspect of the nation—economic, social, and of course political. As the German state sought to become stronger by forcefully acquiring additional territory, German nationalism became increasingly militaristic and imperialistic, leading to international conflict and war. In World War I, Germany and its allies were overpowered by the Allied Powers in population, economic production, and military might. Because Germany needed imports to survive, much less to wage war, and was cut off from foreign suppliers, its defeat was inevitable.

Mises believed that Germany should not seek revenge for the “fetters . . . forced upon German development by the peace of Versailles.” Rather, his theme throughout this book is that Germany should adopt liberal ideas and a free market economy by expanding the international division of labor, which would help all parties. “For us and for humanity,” Mises wrote, “there is only one salvation: return to rationalistic liberalism.” 

Ludwig von Mises (1881–1973) was the leading spokesman of the Austrian School of Economics throughout most of the twentieth century. He earned his doctorate in law and economics from the University of Vienna in 1906. In 1926, Mises founded the Austrian Institute for Business Cycle Research. From 1909 to 1934, he was an economist for the Vienna Chamber of Commerce. Before the Anschluss, in 1934 Mises left for Geneva, where he was a professor at the Graduate Institute of International Studies until 1940, when he emigrated to New York City. From 1948 to 1969, he was a visiting professor at New York University.

Bettina Bien Greaves is a former resident scholar, trustee, and longtime staff member of the Foundation for Economic Education. She has written and lectured extensively on topics of free market economics. Her articles have appeared in such journals as Human Events, Reason, and The Freeman: Ideas on Liberty. A student of Mises, Greaves has become an expert on his work in particular and that of the Austrian School of economics in general. She has translated several Mises monographs, compiled an annotated bibliography of his work, and edited collections of papers by Mises and other members of the Austrian School.

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Language Notes

Text: English, German (translation) --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.

Product Details

  • Reading level: Ages 18 and up
  • Paperback: 220 pages
  • Publisher: Liberty Fund (August 25, 2006)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 0865976414
  • ISBN-13: 978-0865976412
  • Product Dimensions: 8.9 x 6 x 0.6 inches
  • Shipping Weight: 12.8 ounces (View shipping rates and policies)
  • Average Customer Review: 4.0 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (2 customer reviews)
  • Amazon Best Sellers Rank: #824,434 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

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11 of 11 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars Pre-Calculation Historical Analysis, April 3, 2008
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This review is from: Nation, State, and Economy (Lib Works Ludwig Von Mises PB) (Paperback)
Nation, State, and Economy is an early effort by Mises to do what he accomplished in his 1944 book Omnipotent Government. Mises wrote this book at the close of World War One in effort to explain why this war occurred. Mises explains some concepts that show up in his later work: capital accumulation bias, the nation as a speech community, the decline of liberal thought in Europe and the rise of socialist/nationalist beliefs.

One key element is missing: his calculation critique of socialism. Mises started down an intellectual path towards the calculation critique of socialism when he wrote The Theory of Money and Credit. It was in this earlier work that Mises began to see the significance of monetary calculation. Yet, Mises did not fully grasp the significance of money in capitalism when writing his 1919 book. Ironically, Mises came to recognize what was missing in Nation, State, and Economy just after it came out. In 1919 Mises wrote his article Economic Calculation in the Socialist Commonwealth. From then on economic calculation would be the central issue in his economic and historical analysis.

Nation, State, and Economy is important to those who are interested in the evolution of Austrian ideas. It also has some interesting history of the First World War (that is, interesting to those who want to understand history). As such, this book has a relatively narrow audience. But it is a well reasoned gem for the few who find such subject of interest.
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6 of 6 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars Last of the classical liberals, November 13, 2006
Ludwig Von Mises perhaps deserves the honourable title of "last of the 19th Century classical liberals". This is despite the fact that all his writings are works of the 20th century. This is not to say that he has been made obsolete or irrelevant, far from it, but his work has generally been unfashionable in the 20th century, even by those who would be considered his intellectual and political allies. In a sense Mises debates the issues on his own terms not by following or chasing the coat tails of others.

"Nation, State and Economy" was Mises' first book, published in 1919, it discusses the great war and in some ways anticipates the events to come. Despite the author's pedigree as a former Austrian treasury official and pioneer of the Austrian school of economics, this is really a book best pigeon holed as political sociology than economics per se. Originally written in German and, assuming a greater knowledge of German / Austrian history than I possess, I had to rely upon detail provided in the forward to help me through.

The book covers wide intellectual ground and has been compared to John Maynard Keynes' "Economic Consequences of The Peace", written about the same time with much of the same concerns, as it's most comparable peer.

Perhaps the section that most interested me, and it should be of interest to those, including modern liberals and social democrats, not normal Mises readers, was his discussion of the weakness of 19th century liberalism in Germany and Austria. Elsewhere in the west liberalism, nationalism and democratic reform marched side by side as brothers in arms. But what happened in Germany and Austria?

Peter Viereck has argued that in the Germanies, the idea of "volk" triumphed when and where liberalism and democracy was defeated. Viereck argues that the German soul was split between rival western "liberal" looking and northern "volkish" looking hobgoblins. Mises, ever the practical economist, who sees nations as essentially linguistic constructs, offers a more down to earth interpretation.

Liberalism and democratic thought flourished among the German peoples of Prussia and Imperial Austria, but the multi-ethnic demographic realities of the German colonization in Eastern Prussia and the Austrian Empire meant that any advances for democratic majoritarian self rule would come at the price of retreat for the social, economic and political status of these Empire's eastern German subjects. Thus many liberals and indeed socialists found it easier to compromise with the Old Regime authoritarians, elsewhere the mortal enemy of liberals and democrats, than abandon their German speaking peers. The compromises made by Prussian liberal democrats were leveraged across the whole of the Second Reich as Bismark unified the central Germans.

Although Mises doesn't say it, in a sense it's the Westerners, the French, British and Americans, where liberalism, democracy and (effective) linguistic homogenity worked in parallel who are the odd men out. The Austrian and German experience has probably more to tell us about the prospects of liberty and democracy in the ex-colonial Third World and the ex-communist Second World than all the ostentatious lovers of democracy layed end to end.

These issues of nationality, multiculturalism and the relation between language and liberty have a renewed urgency in the 21st century. Von Mises' "19th century" insights are probably of more use than those inherited from the 20th.
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