Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality (Wiles Lectures) (Hardcover)

by E. J. Hobsbawm (Author) "The basic characteristic of the modern nation and everything connected with it is its modernity..." (more)
Key Phrases: state patriotism, linguistic nationalism, New York, French Revolution, Sri Lanka (more...)

Editorial Reviews

Review
"...Hobsbawm's deft demystifications will provoke debate and provide good reading. Again." Eugen Weber, University of California at Los Angeles, Critical Review

"...a brilliant exploration into the shifting, evolving role of nations and nationalism in modern history, most importantly in Europe." Kirkus Reviews

"Appearing just when reform in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union is being threatened by emergent nationalism, Eric Hobsbawm's inquiry is particularly timely...succinct and masterly." Roy Porter, New Statesman and Society

"Hobsbawm, a grand master of comparative historical sociology, commands attention by his name alone. But this superb essay adds further luster to a reputation which really needs no further polish; he offers a lucid and succinct overview of the changing meanings of the idea of nationalism, and its impact upon the political world....The book sparkles with captivating insights about the intinerary of nation and state since 1780." The Review of Politics

"...a fascinating account of the history of nationalism and the modern nation." Gyorgy Csepeli, Nationalities Papers --This text refers to the Paperback edition.

Product Description
Derived from the author's series of Wiles Lectures delivered at the Queen's University of Belfast in 1985, this book attempts to trace the history of nations and nationalism over the last two centuries and tries to assess its changing historical nature and importance.

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Product Details

• Hardcover: 199 pages
• Publisher: Cambridge University Press (June 29, 1990)
• Language: English
• ISBN-10: 0521335078
• ISBN-13: 978-0521335072
• Product Dimensions: 9.3 x 6.3 x 0.7 inches
• Shipping Weight: 15 ounces
• Average Customer Review: 3.4 out of 5 stars See all reviews (16 customer reviews)
• Amazon.com Sales Rank: #740,469 in Books (See Bestsellers in Books)

Customer Reviews

Most Helpful Customer Reviews

15 of 16 people found the following review helpful:

4.0 out of 5 stars Hobsbawm At His Best - Once Again!, December 3, 1998

By	D. Becker ([e-mail]) (Frankfurt (Oder), Germany) - See all my reviews

This review is from: Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality (Canto) (Paperback)

Hobsbawm's 'Nations and Nationalism' reveals once again the author's genius. Splendidly written, it is, first of all, a pleasure to read. With a wide range of examples, the British historian shows a truly cosmopolitan view of a rather narrow-minded phenomenon. Much more importantly, however, he unveils one of the great myths of populist rhetoric: that nations have always existed. Not only are they fairly recent developments, argues Hobsbawm, but their conceptions have changed significantly over the last 200 years or so. From time to time, the author may be a little bit too idealistic in his judgments. But over all, 'Nations and Nationalism Since 1780' is an extremely valuable book. Read it as an introduction, or read it as polemic: both ways, you will most probably enjoy it!

18 of 21 people found the following review helpful:

4.0 out of 5 stars Nationalism as progams and policies, March 8, 2000

By	J. Pool (Atlanta, Ga USA) - See all my reviews (REAL NAME)

This review is from: Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality (Canto) (Paperback)

Hobsbawm is a masterful historian, with the chops and interests to take on a variety of important topics. This book is his contribution to the Birth-of-Nationalism literature. Nationalism is often associated with questions of personal commitments or identity politics. This aspect of consciousness, however, is easy to assume, but more difficult to demonstrate, and even harder to historicize. As a result Hobsbawm begs off this question some, and turns his attention instead to the ways that governments (states in search of nations) and national elites (nations in search of states) have invoked or pursued the concept of nation. This work is particularly useful and importnat for its attention to language and education as technologies of nation building. Those who confuse a critical perspective with bias, or cannot overcome their own Marxiphobia, may want to stick to tamer works. For the rest of us, Hobsbawm has provided a readable and compelling exploration. While it has its limits, this is a valuable and important work.

23 of 28 people found the following review helpful:

5.0 out of 5 stars Suberb, arguably Hobsbawm's best single book., April 26, 2001

By	[e-mail] (Edmonton, Alberta Canada) - See all my reviews (TOP 500 REVIEWER)

This review is from: Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality (Canto) (Paperback)

"...no serious historian of nations and nationalism can be a committed political nationalist...Nationalism required too much belief in what is patently not so. As Renan said: `Getting its history wrong is part of being a nation.' This bold and principled comment, which is duly qualified in the ellipsis I left out, is near the beginning of one of the most liberating books on modern nationalism. This is a vital book which puts nationalism into its historical context, and it reminds us of the vital truth that Yugoslavia and Rwanda were not doomed by something called "irreconcilable ethnic strife," to fall into the hell that the First World has done its part to condemn them to.

"The basic characteristic of the nation and everything with it is its modernity." Even the very vocabulary of nationality is relatively new. Especially invaluable is Hobsbawm's chapter on popular proto-nationalism as he discusses all the elements that supposedly "cause" nationalism and finds them all insufficient. Many Central and Eastern European peasants did not view themselves so much as members of particular nationalities but as peasants. The term "Estonian" for instance only came into use in the 1860s. Languages appear stronger, yet dialects were so common up until the late nineteenth century that only half of the French in 1789 spoke the language, while only 2.5% of pre-unification Italy spoke what is now Italian. Nationalists often had to write their own grammars and dictionaries, and in the process the various Yugoslav groups turned three major dialects into the language we now know as Serbo-Croat. And where "there are no other languages within earshot, one's own idiom is not so much a group criterion as something that all people have, like legs." Ethnicity is not an undisputed concept: some of the most clearly defined ethnic groups are those like the Scots highlanders, or the Berbers or Afghan Pushtus who are hostile to any state. Many of the greatest fighters for Greek independence were Albanians, while Hungary's greatest 19th century poet, Petofi, was in fact a Slovak. Religion has its own ironies: many of the leaders of the Arab independence movement were Copts, Maronites and other Christians. Religions try to be universal so often they will separate Lithuanians from Russians, but not from Poles. The Catholic Church was the only all-Italian institution in 1859, but Italian nationalism had to make its way without it. Many pre-modern revolts against foreign invaders are less nationalistic than social and religious. When the citizens of Berlin offered to defend that city, Frederick the Great told them to mind their own business and let professionals handle the job.

Hobsbawm goes on to discuss how the modern state in the nineteenth century had its own reasons to encourage patriotism and national consciousness. He discusses how nationalist movements in Georgia, Armenia and Finland were dominated by socialists. "What would the future of Hebrew have been, had not the British mandate in 1919 accepted it as one of the three official languages of Palestine, at a time when the number of people speaking Hebrew as an everyday language was less than 20,000?" After discussing the rise of fascism, the Popular Front and the end of the Cold war, Hobsbawm ends memorably with this image: "The owl of Minerva which brings wisdom, said Hegel, flies out at dusk. It is a good sign that it is now circling round nations and nationalism."