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Neoconservatism: The Biography of a Movement [Hardcover]

Justin Vaïsse (Author), Arthur Goldhammer (Translator)
4.3 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (3 customer reviews)

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Book Description

May 21, 2010

Neoconservatism has undergone a transformation that has made a clear identity almost impossible to capture. The Republican foreign policy operatives of the George W. Bush era seem far removed from the early liberal intellectuals who focused on domestic issues. Justin Vaïsse offers the first comprehensive history of neoconservatism, exploring the connections between a changing and multifaceted school of thought, a loose network of thinkers and activists, and American political life in turbulent times.

In an insightful portrait of the neoconservatives and their impact on public life, Vaïsse frames the movement in three distinct ages: the New York intellectuals who reacted against the 1960s leftists; the “Scoop Jackson Democrats,” who tried to preserve a mix of hawkish anticommunism abroad and social progress at home but failed to recapture the soul of the Democratic Party; and the “Neocons” of the 1990s and 2000s, who are no longer either liberals or Democrats. He covers neglected figures of this history such as Pat Moynihan, Eugene Rostow, Lane Kirkland, and Bayard Rustin, and offers new historical insight into two largely overlooked organizations, the Coalition for a Democratic Majority and the Committee on the Present Danger. He illuminates core developments, including the split of liberalism in the 1960s, and the shifting relationship between partisan affiliation and foreign policy positions.

Vaïsse gives neoconservatism its due as a complex movement and predicts it will remain an influential force in the American political landscape.

(20100503)

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Editorial Reviews

From Publishers Weekly

The influential neoconservative movement is a complex and often surprising thing in this incisive historical study. Brookings Institution senior fellow Vaïsse subdivides the movement's dramatic evolution into three distinct ages. Neoconservatism began in the 1960s, he contends, with a purely domestic agenda: to yank the Democratic Party away from what were seen as the excesses of the New Left and the failures of the liberal welfare state. It shifted focus in the 1970s and '80s to a crusade against the Soviet empire, and allegiance to Ronald Reagan. And it wound up in the 1990s as a faction of the Republican Right, espousing a utopian mission of spreading democracy through military force. Vaïsse examines the intellectual evolution of leading neocon thinkers like Norman Podhoretz, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, and William Kristol; explores the impact of neocon journals and think tanks; and recounts the movement's love-hate relationships with Democratic and Republican administrations. His critical but evenhanded treatment brims with insights, including his intriguing but underdeveloped analysis of neoconservatism as a latter-day Jacobinism fusing militant nationalism with universalist ideology. Vaïsse's is one of the most lucid and sophisticated accounts yet of this crucial political force. (May)
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Review

Sometimes we need a non-American to see American politics in a proper perspective. Vaïsse offers one of the most comprehensive and balanced studies of the history of neoconservatism yet to appear.
--Francis Fukuyama, author of America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative Legacy (20100322)

In contrast to most of the writing about neoconservatism that has appeared in recent years, Vaïsse has tackled the difficult topic in a serious and balanced way. One doesn't have to agree with everything in his book to know that it will set a standard by which other studies will be judged.
--Gary Schmitt, American Enterprise Institute, and former director, Project for the New American Century (20100601)

With a sharp scalpel and brilliant insights, Vaïsse offers his readers everything they need to know to make their own judgments about neoconservatism, a movement that threatens America's national interests by advocating policies that exacerbate the very threats it proclaims to be opposing.
--Zbigniew Brzezinski (20100608)

Vaïsse's book should stand as the definitive history of the neoconservative movement. His detailed account traces the movement's origins, its growth and changes, its uneasy relationship with first the Democratic and then the Republican Party. The tone is dispassionate and analytical; at the same time, Vaïsse tells a good, readable story, fleshed out with people and anecdotes. This is an outstanding work.
--James Mann, author of Rise of the Vulcans: The History of Bush's War Cabinet (20100613)

It took Tocqueville to explain Jacksonian America to Americans, so it should not surprise us that another shrewd French student of the United States has written one of the most careful, thoughtful, and engaging books on neoconservatism. Vaïsse tells the movement's story with grace and sheds great light on the importance of its roots in the Democratic Party, its outsized influence on American foreign policy, and the sometimes subtle but important differences among its loyalists and fellow travelers.
--E. J. Dionne, Jr., author of Why Americans Hate Politics and Souled Out (20100704)

The influential neoconservative movement is a complex and often surprising thing...Vaïsse examines the intellectual evolution of leading neocon thinkers like Norman Podhoretz, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, and William Kristol; explores the impact of neocon journals and think tanks; and recounts the movement's love-hate relationships with Democratic and Republican administrations. His critical but evenhanded treatment brims with insights... Vaïsse's is one of the most lucid and sophisticated accounts yet of this crucial political force. (Publishers Weekly 20100718)

Justin Vaïsse demonstrates that an ideology can have just as prickly a personality, and can be just as dynamic, as any celebrity...Surveying not only the political and cultural contributions of icons Norman Podhoretz and William Kristol, but also less frequently discussed figures such as Eugene Rostow and Bayard Rustin, Vaïsse presents an influential and deeply polarizing set of intellectuals evenhandedly.
--Josh Lambert (Tablet 20100701)

Very intelligent and well-researched.
--Adam Kirsch (Tablet 20101028)

The proper way to commence appraisal of this admirable book is possibly by proposing a public service award of some sort for Justin Vaïsse. This U.S.-based French foreign-policy scholar makes it feasible at long last to figure out what in blue blazes people are talking about when they praise or, more commonly at present, flog "the neocons."...A major virtue of Mr. Vaïsse's painstakingly clear and beautifully executed narrative is its intellectually scrupulous tone: no malice; no abrasive score-settling. The author seeks neither to exalt nor vilify his subjects.
--William Murchison (Washington Times 20101126)

Essential reading for anyone wishing to understand the contours of our recent political past.
--Barry Gewen (New York Times Book Review 20101201)

[Vaïsse] has written a book on neoconservatism that is thoughtful and well-informed...In a crowded field, Vaïsse has written a fine primer, judicious, thorough and sure-footed.
--Rich Lowry (Washington Post 20101223)

[A] fascinating book...Vaïsse provides a cogent analysis of neoconservative thought and beliefs.
--John Hancock (Concord Monitor )

Vaïsse's book is the best yet to appear on the neoconservatives. It is comprehensive, searching, highly critical, but also dispassionate in tone.
--Anatol Lieven (New Humanist )

A great strength of Vaïsse's book is his stress on the second age of neoconservatism, which spans the gap between the Public Interest writers and the national greatness drumbeaters of today...No one who absorbs Vaïsse's discussion of this second age can harbor any illusions about whether the neocons count as genuine conservatives...Vaïsse...[has] provided...tools that will help us understand a pernicious political movement.
--David Gordon (The American Conservative blog )

[Vaïsse] provides an unusually nuanced and historically grounded account of the controversial neo-conservative movement--tracing its origins to disputes among New York liberals in revolt against the excesses of the 1960s.
--Gideon Rachman (Financial Times )

[An] excellent book...Essentially, Vaïsse sees modern neoconservatism as a species of nationalism or patriotism.
--Richard King (The Australian )

Absolutely excellent...With sobriety, subtlety and matchless breadth, Vaïsse explores the many dimensions of the most consequential intellectual movement in post-Second World War American politics.
--Randy Boyagoda (Globe and Mail )

Product Details

  • Hardcover: 376 pages
  • Publisher: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press (May 21, 2010)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 0674050517
  • ISBN-13: 978-0674050518
  • Product Dimensions: 9.4 x 6.4 x 0.9 inches
  • Shipping Weight: 1.5 pounds (View shipping rates and policies)
  • Average Customer Review: 4.3 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (3 customer reviews)
  • Amazon Best Sellers Rank: #827,422 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

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10 of 11 people found the following review helpful
Illuminating June 22, 2010
Format:Hardcover
I never quite figured out what neoconservatism was, so this book is a great service to many of us. It offers a comprehensive history of the movement with an illuminating template in three "ages": the original New York intellectuals who were labeled "neoconservatives" by their enemies (Irving Kristol, Daniel Bell, Pat Moynihan, Nathan Glazer and others), the Scoop Jackson Democrats who ended up working for Reagan (Richard Perle, Jeane Kirpatrick, Elliott Abrams, Pat Moynihan again, and others) and the latter-day Neocons - the ones who pushed for intervention in Iraq, who are a far cry from their supposed "ancestors" (Bill Kristol, Robert Kagan, Max Boot, David Frum, Douglas Feith and others). The table p. 284 to 287 offers a nice summary and a precise outline of the narrative. And for those who don't want to buy the book, that table is reproduced in the author's website, along with plenty of fascinating documents from the period. There are also forceful portraits (Eugene Rostow, Elmo Zumwalt) which take the reader into the neoconservative mind at various points in time. The book is actually a very pleasant read.

Unlike the New York Times Book Review, I didn't think this was a partisan book. The author does spell out the shortcomings of the recent neocons, but he is not misrepresenting their views, or engaging in score-settling. Even the Director of PNAC, the Komintern of the neocons, wrote a blurb for the book. And Vaisse sounds quite sympathetic to the Scoop Jackson Democrats, who take the lion share of the book. At the very end of his analysis, Vaisse offers a remarkable essay on interpreting neoconservatism, dismissing conspiracy theories and superficial explanations (like neoconservatism as a Jewish movement or the byproduct of Leo Strauss). This book is full of brilliant insights, and does take you on a formidable journey through fifty years of American political history.
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5 of 6 people found the following review helpful
Format:Hardcover|Amazon Verified Purchase
In 1995 Irving Kristol published Neoconservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea, by which he concluded that the neoconservative "persuasion" had become so integrated into the mainstream of American conservatism that the term had outlived its usefulness. In publishing Neoconservatism: The Biography of a Movement, Justin Vaïsse offers a biography as opposed to an autobiography, because he brings to his subject the distance and detachment of a historian who cannot claim to speak on behalf of his object of enquiry. In addition, although his book is a contribution to the history of ideas, he thinks that neoconservatism can be best characterized as an intellectual movement or a generational phenomenon, going through three different ages, as opposed to simply an idea, a persuasion or an impulse that would make itself felt at all times and independently from its historical conditions. Hence the subtitle of the book, which offers a welcome variation to the bland title used in the original French edition (Histoire du néoconservatisme aux Etats-Unis).

Justin Vaïsse was trained as a historian, and he applies the tools and methods of the discipline to the analysis of a complex object. He is candid as to where his real scholarly contribution rests. He doesn't pretend to be the first nor the last to offer an interpretation of neoconservatism, and he builds upon accumulated knowledge on a movement that has already generated an abundant paper trail. His endnotes provide an up-to-date bibliography of neoconservatism in the United States, and also refer to important publications highlighting the political, social and intellectual context into which the movement developed. Vaïsse gives credit where credit is due. He indicates when he draws from existing scholarship or follows other authors' interpretations, and he states his points of disagreement when they exist. Although he doesn't enter into polemics with authors--except to disqualify fringe interpretations and conspiracy theories--, he signals when a text is self-serving, or a book marred by inaccuracies. His quest for objectivism doesn't preclude him to impart a judgment on several key debates or questions. But he does so with the hindsight of accumulated scholarship, and leaving open the possibility that other interpretations may emerge.

Just as anthropologists define themselves by having gone through the rite of passage constituted by fieldwork, academic historians believe in archival work, and tend to downplay the importance of scholarly contributions based only on "secondary sources". In this respect, Justin Vaïsse's book is a piece of research that is worthy of consideration. He highlights that his main contribution to the historiography of the movement is the detailed study of two organizations that have played a pivotal role in the development of the neoconservatist school of thought: the Coalition for a Democratic Majority, established in 1972 to reclaim the Democratic Party from the influence of the New Left; and the Committee on the Present Danger, a bipartisan hawkish organization established in 1976.

The author's plunge into the archives of these two organizations--the first conserved at the LBJ Presidential Library in Austin, Texas, and the second at the Hoover Institution on the Stanford campus--allow him to highlight several facts that have been rather overlooked by previous scholarship: the pivotal role of the CDM in allowing migration of a cadre of Scoop Jackson Democrats to the Republican Party, and the seamless continuity for those who remained between the CDM and the Democratic Leadership Council; the strong links between neoconservatism and the labor unions, whose advocacy on foreign policy issues during the Cold War went well beyond straightforward trade-union concerns; and more generally the role of networks and organizations in sustaining a movement that has often been reduced to its leading individuals. As the author writes in his introduction, "Behind political ideas we find not only people but also networks linking intellectuals to journalists and decisionmakers, careers that take individuals back and forth between the academic and political worlds, and a variety of organizations from think tanks to citizen groups to political parties."

More conventionally, Vaïsse has combed through the journals and "small magazines" associated with neoconservatism. He quotes excerpts and sound-bites of the spokespersons of neoconservatism, who were known for their rhetorical acumen. He introduces key texts and manifests, some of which are made available on the book's companion website, and puts them in perspective through critical readings and contextualization. Here the student tutor and university professor transpires behind the scholar and the essayist: through the endnotes and companion website, readers are kindly directed through the sources and invited to apply the historical method to them, using the book as a tutorial. Taking the time to read some of these texts is really worth the try. Close reading of documents is an obligatory passage of historiography, which sometimes gets lost in the final research output. Going through some of the sources and primary documents, however, really adds perspective and depth to an already detailed narrative.

But Justin Vaïsse's Neconservatism is more than a scholarly work or a textbook. As reviews by key political commentators and media outlets already testify, it is an important and timely intervention in the public debate. The endorsements in the backcover range from a former National Security Advisor to the former director of the Project for the New American Century, a neocon think-tank. In these comments and others, much is drawn from the fact that the book was written by a Frenchman. I consider it to be quite irrelevant. Justin Vaïsse is first and foremost an historian, and his French origin doesn't show in his approach to the subject. If personal inclinations or political angles transpire through the text, he shares them with a vast portion of the American public commonly defined as liberal. There is no attempt to extract revenge on the many attacks that some neocons have directed against his home country, particularly during the run-up to the Iraq War.

There is however one aspect through which the author's French upbringing shows. Through his endnotes, he draws attention to scholarly works written in French that may not be familiar to American scholars. He refers to several figures of modern American studies in France: André Kaspi and Marie-France Toinet represent a first generation, followed by Pierre Melandri (his thesis advisor) and Denis Lacorne, as well as younger colleagues who shared their research results with the author: Antoine Coppolani (on the Berkeley movement and its impact), and Pauline Peretz (on the campaign promoting free emigration for Soviet Jews). It is not in the habit of American scholars to rely on foreign expertise when analyzing their own country (with Tocqueville being the obvious exception), and books about the United States written in foreign languages are seldom translated. But Americans should be aware of the global conversation that concerns them. The publication in English of this history of neoconservatism in the United States is therefore to be highly commended, and one only hopes that it will be followed by more frequent and two-sided scholarly exchanges between the two sides of the Atlantic.
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9 of 14 people found the following review helpful
Format:Hardcover
Throughout "Neoconservatism: Biography of a Movement," the author Justin Vaisse never offer a concise definition of "neoconservative," instead floating between several, remaining ever frustratingly vague. One gets the sense that Vaisse feels much as Justice Potter Stewart felt about pornography, he can't describe neoconservativism, but he knows it when he sees it. His choice of where to apply the label is a Rorschach test: Scoop Jackson was, as was Pat Moynihan (until he changed his mind), as was Al Gore. Dick Cheney wasn't (but some of his best friends were), while Ronald Reagan is a toss up. If this sounds a bit like a party game (name that neo-conservative!) this isn't the only one offered by Vaisse's book. Another, perhaps even more entertaining can be played by counting how many times he uses the words Jewish and Trotskyite in the book(double points if in the same sentence).

Vaisse postulates three neoconservative"ages": the first, from the mid-60's to 1972, when a few liberals opposed the centralized welfare state of the Great Society; the second, runs from McGovern's defeat, through the formation of the Coalition for a Democratic Majority (CDM) to the election of Bush 41; and the third being neoconservatives opposition to Clinton and their prominence under Bush 43. Unfortunately, this neat division is far from persuasive.

On the first age, does it logical follow that because neo-conservatives critiqued the welfare state, all critics of the welfare state were necessarily neo-Conservatives? Vaisse bases his assertion of this association on Nathan Glazer's writing, a curious choice since elsewhere he seems less inclined to take neocons at their word. Yet if one were to presume that all those who rejected a centralized welfare model were neocons, then the roles would be so long and varied, from Bill Clinton to John McCain to Tony Blair, making the term meaningless. The same might be said of the "Second Age"; if every anti-Communist democrat in the 1970s were neocons, it leaves little room for thoughtful analysis. Scoop Jackson and Irving Kristol were both members of the CDM, but this doesn't mean that they were both neo-Conservatives. As Jackson was fond of pointing out, he saw his Communism much as had Truman and Kennedy. Does this mean that they were neoconservatives too?

Failing to offer a consistent definition, Vaisse often lurches disturbingly close to an approach and language that carries a whiff of McCarthyism, complete with "fellow travelers" and brands doled out based on one's associations ("are you now or have you ever been a member of the CDM? Have you ever contributed to Commentary?"). Not only is such an approach methodologically unsound, it is unhelpful. This problem may arise partly from Vaisse's refusal to place neo-Conservatism where it belongs, as the latest and most extreme form of the democratic utopianism which some academics describe as Wilsonian, though it predates the 28th President running all the way back to the first stirrings of the Republic.

One possible explanation is Vaisse's apparent desire to often stand on both sides of various divides, with assertions like "neoconservatism is such a diverse thing that the term has always been close to meaningless," (which, if true, leaves one wondering why he believes it can be written about coherently in the first place). He at once condemns those who paint neoconservatism as a fundamentally Jewish movement, yet in his conclusion claims it to be "first and foremost an attempt by certain Jewish intellectuals to rationalize...their alienation" and "a classic pattern... of the last to be admitted to society's elite ranks attempted to shut the door behind them."

This misses the mark. Neocon founders like Kristol and Nathan Glazer's flirted with Trotskyism at CCNY and, just as they accepted that militant utopian ideology, so they and their intellectual progeny find appeal in a similarly utopian nationalist millennial movement, albeit one that sees democracy rather than class equality as its ultimate perfection. This ideology combined well with other similar beliefs, such as a faith in the justice of absolutist meritocracy.

In the wake of the Bush Administration's departure, the Neoconservative movement has badly fractured. Some like Francis Fukuyama have moved into the realist camp, while others like David Brooks have taken on a more suspicious Burkian view of any grand enterprise. Stalwarts like Kristol and Dan Senor have instead doubled down, arguing instead that the failure of the Iraq enterprise resulted not from a strategic miscalculation, but from tactical blunders. One thing is certain, the neocons are not gone from the stage of American politics, nor will they be the last movement to embrace Wilsonian Universalist principles and we should understand them for what they are, not based on such vague "biographies" as this one.
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