33 of 34 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars
American Buddhism Today, August 13, 2001
Professor Coleman's book combines sociology, history, and philsophy in studying how and why the ancient and varied Eastern teachings of Buddhism have gained a foothold in the United States. This is no dry academic treatise. Professor Coleman has himself been a practicing Buddhist for fifteen years and brings to the book something of his own understanding of and commitment to Buddhist practice.
It is important to understand the scope of Professor Coleman's study and his manner of investigation. His study of Buddhism in America is limited to those groups in which Americans have attempted to establish their own Buddhist communities based upon their understanding of the three Buddhist traditions that have become most common in the United States: Zen, Tibetan, and Vipassana (Theravada). The focus of American Buddhism, unlike some of its Asian counterparts is on meditation rather than on devotional ritual. The study thus excludes ethinc Buddhism, which consists predominantly of recent immigrants from Asia (although many Westerners also attend these predominantly immigrant sanghas), and forms of Buddhism such as Pure Land and Soka Gakki which do not emphasize meditiation and which appeal to a somewhat different group of Western practitioners. After so defining the scope of his study, Professor Coleman explains that he has conducted his investigation by means of an extensive survey (reprinted in the book), by reading the available literature, and by interviews.
The book gives a brief history of Buddhism in the United States beginning in the late Nineteenth Century. Some of this ground was covered in Rick Fields's book "How the Swans Came to the Lake." This is followed by one of the clearest brief summaries I have read of the history of Asian Buddhism and of the multiplicity of schools and traditions that confront the American beginning a study of Buddhism.
The book then proceeds to discuss practice and beliefs at several prominent sanghas in the United States representing each of the Zen, Tibetan and Vipassana traditions. Coleman obviously understands his material from the inside, as well as from academic research, and he conveys it well.
There is a great deal in the book on the difficulties that Western Buddhism has encountered, many of which are of its own making in the establishment of a new religious approach in the United States. He describes the conflicts and scandals involving sex and power that plagued much of the American Buddhist community in the 1980s. He offers his views on the source of these embarrassments as well as opinions on how they may be avoided as Buddhism may continue to develop in our country.
Beyond the factual analysis, the best portions of the book are those in the beginning chapter and in the concluding chapters in which Coleman analyses the appeal of Buddhism to the educated, upper-middle class, politically left of center, and generally caucasian individuals that tend to be predominant in the Buddhist movements under consideration. He offers a multi-level analysis based upon the withering of old class distinctions resulting from democracy, the industrial revolution, and post-modernism. These developments have tended to result in a secularization of society and in an attempt by individuals to attempt to construct an identity, or sense of self for themselves. It is when a person comes to the view that in searching for selfhood, he or she is acting in a misdirected way that the person may be ready to learn from Buddhism which teaches, as Coleman rightly points out, the absence of a self and identifies the belief in a fixed self as the source of suffering and error.
Coleman recognizes the difficulties in the Buddhist transplant to the West, ranging from the problems with new ideas to more mundane matters such as finding the time to meditiate and go on retreat in the face of demanding work lives and family commitments. He does see Buddhism as having something to teach the West and cautiously predicts a continued growth of a distinctly American form of Buddhism.
This is a good, thoughtful discussion of Western Buddhism that can be read with benefit by those new to the subject and by those who have been involved with Buddhism for many years.
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7 of 7 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars
On contemporary American Zen, Tibetan, & Vipassana Buddhism, May 23, 2003
This review is from: The New Buddhism: The Western Transformation of an Ancient Tradition (Paperback)
This is an interesting and readable exploration of the "new Buddhism" in the West--that is, the meditation-oriented Buddhism (Zen, Tibetan, and Vipassana) practiced mainly by "converts," as opposed to the Buddhism practiced mainly by Asian immigrants and their descendants. Coleman, a sociologist and a practicing Buddhist, takes a look at the history, practices, teachings, demographics, problems, and trajectory of this new Buddhism. Although the book is ostensibly about "Western" Buddhism, it's actually mainly about American Buddhism, with occasional mentions of British Buddhism.
I think this book will especially be of interest to practitioners of the "new Buddhism" who want to learn more about our history and our fellow practitioners. It could also be used as a text in a college course on Buddhism or on American religion. (If you want to learn about all the major forms of Buddhism in the U.S., I would recommend Richard Hughes Seager's "
Buddhism in America," which includes chapters on Jodo Shinshu and Soka Gakkai as well as Zen, Tibetan, and Theravada Buddhism.)
After an introductory chapter, Chs. 2 and 3 provide an excellent overview of the history of Buddhism in Asia and in the West, including the main schools, practices, and teachings. Coleman does an impressive job of covering the important points in a small space while also keeping it interesting. Ch. 4 discusses in detail the practices and beliefs of Zen, Tibetan, and Vipassana Buddhism and their similarities and differences. Ch. 5, "Sex, Power, and Conflict," explores issues of gender, sexual passion, and homosexuality in the history of Buddhism and in the new Buddhism and examines the scandals revolving around sex and power in Buddhist centers in the 1980s. Ch. 6 includes a look at the demographics of the new Buddhists (very well educated and very liberal), describes the typical path that Westerners follow into Buddhism, and considers reasons for Buddhism's growing popularity. And Ch. 7 briefly considers the future of Buddhism in the West.
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4 of 5 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars
Raises more questions than answers-- as it should!, April 26, 2009
This review is from: The New Buddhism: The Western Transformation of an Ancient Tradition (Paperback)
How do those who have not grown up within Buddhism adopt that ancient tradition? Must one convert? How do Westerners define themselves as Buddhists, and must they limit themselves in a philosophy that encourages the letting go of self-definition and fixed categories? What about meditating on your own, or simply reading about it?
Can you still be Jewish or Muslim or Christian while being Buddhist? Why are the overwhelming majority of those taking up Buddhist practice highly educated, usually affluent, and from professional, artistic, or bohemian backgrounds? Finally, what about the high correlation between boomers, psychedelic drug use in their past, and present levels of affiliation with Buddhism?
These questions were raised by California sociologist (and 15-year Zen student) James William Coleman. Curious about how Buddhism's Western transformation continues and contrasts with its Asian varieties, Coleman in 2001 published this readable and brisk report. It begins with an overview of the background in Asia and the West. Then, it expands into how the "new Buddhism" integrates-- and separates from-- traditional, ethnically Asian styles of the faith. He then shares the results of his survey of 359 members of seven different American Buddhist groups.
Luckily, the chi-squared numbers and the theoretical foundations for his academic approach are relegated to the documentation appended to what's a surprisingly straightforward study that any reader will find accessible. The book for all its readability did have a few minor flaws. "Abbot" twice misspelled, along with "John Cabot-Zinn" and "no-holds-bared." On pg. 19, Martin Baumann's study is mis-quoted: 180,000 should replace the 150,000 figure cited by Coleman. I'm not sure if other such errors remain elsewhere in the text, but researchers may take note.
Overall, Coleman integrates enough scholarship to tantalize the curious to investigate. For me, the paragraph on the advent of human self-consciousness by Jungian psychologist Erich Neumann will make me seek out more; the paragraph on gender patterns for "new Buddhists" surveyed intrigued me with this statement: "The men were more skeptical about basic Buddhist doctrines and were more likely to have experimented with illicit drugs, while the women were more likely to be attracted to Buddhism by personal relationships and the need to deal with individual problems." (154)
40% of those who move into Buddhism do so after reading about it. There's far less of a need to do so for social interaction or overcoming one's despair after trauma than happens in more mainstream religions in America. The need for immersion for those most eager to take on spiritual discipline does discriminate; income and the lack of children who need care apparently means that few women raising children, let alone single moms, can indulge in three-year-long retreats, for example.
How Westerners resist the Asian-based homage given gurus or leaders; how those unwilling to become celibate monks or nuns will turn the monastic elite of an Asian tradition with less direct commitment by the laity into a version of Western Buddhism that builds on gender equality; intellectual exploration; growing financial capital that will tempt its keepers away from austerity: these among dozens of related issues may prove valuable ideas to ponder in these pages.
Can a religion that denies the existence of gods as other religions worship them, that exists in the rich Tibetan and ascetic Zen and psychotherapeutic Vipassana versions, be easily reduced to just another denomination for a few liberals, overwhelmingly white, over half with advanced degrees, most very well-off? Can other Americans get used to seeing a counterpart "religion" in a practice that appeals to a few discontented folks who begin to seek to ease "nagging spiritual dissatisfaction," but a quest often not found until their thirties? Is a syncretic, open-ended, and blended Buddhist practice evolving in the West that does not try to pressure others into joining it?
Coleman traces "circles of involvement" that tend to gradually draw adherents who start out reading about it, then edge from solitary meditation (often but not always) into to a group, where support grows and commitment coheres. Yet, many may be more "intellectual" Buddhists; until sixty years ago with the rise of Zen with the Beats and Tibetan teachings after the Chinese invasions forced gurus into the diaspora, most who learned about Buddhists had no idea how to put precepts into practice. Now, as with Vipassana from Theravadin Burmese-Thai forebears, the overlap from the 60s counterculture moves psychotherapy into the healing blend for many here. These three main strands separate in the West as the East, but Coleman finds a more ecumenical exchange of practices and styles emerging here among "new Buddhists" comfortable with mixing and matching. Whereas immigrant Asians keep their communities solid along ethnic and more denominational lines as in other religious traditions, the "new Buddhists" may presage a blended Buddhism for the 21st Century West.
Finally, Coleman finds that beyond token multicultural diversity, Buddhism, if it was truly accepted by the West, would challenge societal notions about reality. "The mere fact that a respected, religious group would reject the existence of an independent self is bound to force some people to think long and hard about the way they look at their lives." (226) I wonder if, in the decade since Coleman did his survey, the younger generation sustains the energy set up by the hippies who set up many of the formative Buddhist centers. No New Age trend, the demand for a mystic re-orientation that undermines our capitalist, consumerist, and hedonistic lifestyle does challenge those who take Buddhism more seriously than a passing fad of a pop star or celebrity actor.
Buddhism by breaking down the idea of fame, worship, goods, or worth does appear to some rather life-denying, bleak, and existential. Coleman, however, in his last paragraph encourages us to channel Buddhist's dharma into earth's renewal rather than solitary self-destruction. Social transformation, he hopes, may accompany Buddhism brought to the world stage in the West. Unlikely as it seems now, "few would deny that there is a kind of restless instability in our personal lives and in the way we structure postmodern society, and it is not hard to imagine that some very fundamental changes await us in the years ahead." (230)
P.S. The Dalai Lama spoke the other day about our subsequent economic downturn, at the end of the decade when Coleman wrote those words. The Tibetan leader told us that the bright side of the gloomy forecast might be in its reminder that we must not look to watching our money grow, grow, grow as the source of our fulfillment. Family, friends, the search for meaning: Coleman and the new Buddhists would agree that these are the true sources of our happiness and our understanding of who we are not-- not separate, autonomous consumers and ravagers, but who we often have forgotten who we are-- a connected community on a fragile planet under terrifying powers of greed and chaos and force and inequality that we've created but can no longer control.
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