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For a New Liberty: The Libertarian Manifesto

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If you're looking for an introduction to libertarian thought, this is THE book to read.

Here, free-market economist and radical for liberty Murray Newton Rothbard tackles all the major issues: the philosophical basis of libertarianism, the history of classical liberalism, the failures of government to preserve basic liberties, and the ways in which a free-market economy handily solves problems that seem forever beyond the reach of government.

Rothbard is also one of few libertarians to face the issue of pollution head-on. You'll search Ayn Rand's works in vain for any "pollution solution"; she was apparently content to believe the problem didn't really exist, a practice to some extent continued by her disciple George Reisman in his mostly brilliant treatise _Capitalism_. But Rothbard doesn't duck the issue: demonstrable pollution is an invasion of property rights and should be outlawed.

Nor is Rothbard a friend of "corporate capitalism." Again unlike Rand, who regarded "big business" as "America's most persecuted minority," Rothbard lambastes big business for its constant seeking of government favors and its use of clout to secure protectionist legislation -- including "limited liability."

All in all, this book is a treat. If you haven't read it yet, I envy you. Pick up a copy of this consistent, principled defense of liberty at once.

Among all the available introductions to libertarian thought, I think Murray Rothbard's _For a New Liberty_ is the best. In it, Rothbard sets out the principles of anarchocapitalism, a system of political-economy where property rights are sacrosanct and no government exists. This is important because most libertarians support some degree of government is necessary in order to preserve a person's right to self-ownership and property.

However, Rothbard argues that the very existence of the State violates man's rights and is incompatible with freedom, even in a democratic society. This is an problem many libertarian scholars have struggled with in attempting to justify limited government. Rothbard faces no such inconsistency.

First, Rothbard introduces the concept of man's rights, establishing that the only valid right can be the right to self-ownership and ownership of one's property. With these principles -- along with the traditional libertarian non-aggression axiom -- Rothbard offers meaningful solutions to the reams of problems in today's society. He makes a forceful case that our problems would be easily solved following principles of the free market, private property, and non-aggression. Education, welfare, free speech, pollution, crime...Rothbard tackles numerous issues with great insight and clarity. In my opinion, the only significant issue he doesn't really explore is healthcare, but hey...it's a short book. (For an excellent libertarian exploration of the healthcare issue [among MANY other things], see Dr. Mary J. Ruwart's definitive _Healing Our World_. Amazon sells it.)

Rothbard introduces many ideas in this book that would be dubbed "radical" by most -- the abolishment of government police services, courts, and national defense being the most obvious. But he also believes in unlimited free speech -- this means there would be nothing illegal about blackmail or libel in a libertarian society. To most, many libertarians included, these ideas are difficult to get one's head around.

Large chapters are devoted to education, welfare, private roads, crime & private security, ecology, conservation of resources, and national defense. Some have accused Rothbard of skipping out on the private police/courts system, but this book is not a 1000-page treatise. He offers theory and historical evidence to support his ideas, but truthfully such a topic requires many books on its own. A good and short adjunct to Rothbard's ideas here is Hans-Hermann Hoppe's brilliant article "The Private Production of Defense", from the Journal of Libertarian Studies. Some good books on the issue are _The Enterprise of Law_ and _To Serve and Protect_, both by Bruce Benson, and _The Structure of Liberty_ by Randy Barnett. I believe Amazon sells all of them.

I've read this book around ten times. Worth owning if you care about where the world is headed.

I've long had somewhat of a libertarian streak in my thinking (one of the few A's I managed to get in high school was for a 15-page paper defending Dr. Kevorkian), but before reading this book I could scarcely have imagined that there existed such a systematic and comprehensive treatise in support of liberty. In "For A New Liberty," the late Murray Rothbard makes a powerful case for abolishing the state and allowing individualism to reign. Rothbard's ideology exists completely outside the tired rhetoric of this country's "left" and "right," instead laying out a new course in line with the classical liberalism that came to prominence around the eighteenth century. If you never vote in elections because you think the major-party candidates are all basically the same, this book may well provide the alternative you've been looking for.

Dispensing with such ideologies as democracy, fascism, and communism, Rothbard reaches back to the tradition of the early American Republic to find support for his views. The American Revolution, he writes, "resulted in governments unprecedented in restrictions placed on their power," and the forces of big government triumphed only when the libertarian Democratic party was split over slavery. Rothbard is not at all ambiguous about what the post-Civil War statist order has brought: war, militarism, protectionism, and government-sponsored corporate monopoly, none of which benefit the great mass of people. While it may seem odd to see the son of Jewish immigrants championing the unfashionable ideals of our Founding Fathers, Rothbard makes a powerful case for a return to our country's roots.

In place of a tax-financed government parcelling out benefits to its subjects, Rothbard advocates a free and voluntary society based on individual property rights. The right of property, whether in one's person or in material objects, is the right from which all other rights proceed: freedom of speech, of religion, of assemly, of the press, and any other right you can think of. If the state can abridge property rights, by extension it can abridge any other right. Rejecting the idea that a government can be a guarantor of liberty and security, Rothbard substitutes an axiom of nonaggression, claiming that property rights are of necessity inviolable and violence, theft, and coercion of any kind are inherently criminal. Rather than utilitarian concerns, Rothbard's belief in nonaggression is grounded in his perception of morality, making it perhaps the only consistent, workable moral absolute that mankind has yet developed. However, Rothbard hastens to point out that his doctrines would advance the material as well as the moral well-being of society, and comes up with plenty of evidence to back up his claim.

In his early section on the State, Rothbard provides the reader with the ultimate devastation of the view of government as a force for good. His chief target is the double standard by which governments routinely get away with doing things that would be roundly condemned if private individuals or groups were to commit them. In Rothbard's view, any aggression against the person or property of another is immoral and illegal, and he sees the state as the ultimate aggressor against property rights. Only the State is allowed to trample on the rights of individuals, which it justifies with euphemisms like "war," "taxation," and "consciption." For these terms, Rothbard substitutes, respectively, "mass murder," "robbery," and "slavery." And given the fact that governments the world over (ours included, though communist systems are of course much worse) spent the twentieth century engaging in activities that made the September 11 attacks look like a street mugging, Rothbard's thesis bears contemplating whether you agree or not.

So, what exactly are the implications of the libertarian anti-state, free market ethos? Well, Rothbard thought of several, and much of the book is devoted to an application of his ideals of individual liberty and absolute property rights for a free society. Education, crime, monetary policy, eduation, pollution, and on into infinity: Rothbard claims these have become problematic issues because of government involvement, and only the libertarian principles of voluntarism and free trade can fix them. Rothbard argues that the free market has worked so well because it encourages competition, which gives those who provide any service an incentive to consistently please their customers, a motivation that a government monopoly lacks. No reasonable person would conclude that the provision of food and clothing should be nationalized; so why, Rothbard begs the question, is the State allowed to exert so much control over education, police protection, roads, or anything else for that matter? Rothbard can't think of a reason, and argues that government should never be allowed to interfere with the genius of the market.

Running through Rothbard's thesis is one nagging question: are his ideas workable? He claims that they have worked (see his discussion of Ireland's libertarian history prior to its conquest by Britain), and they can work again. Rothbard also hastens to point out that even if they're not perfect, libertarian societies would hardly be capable of the massive levels of violence and oppression that governments carry out on a regular basis. Rothbard's tour of American foreign policy and its imperialist bent over the past century is especially sobering and enlightening for his discussion of the destructive potential of ANY state, "democratic" or otherwise. Admittedly, many of the ideas contained in this book could be considered "radical," but far more pernicious ideas have come to dominate large parts of the world (Communism, anyone?). Considering some of the truly wacky ideas out there, Rothbard at least deserves to be heard. So read, and decide for yourself. Even if you're not converted to libertarianism, I can offer a virtual guarantee that your outlook on the world will be reoriented.

I was first introduced to this book by an open minded Political Economy professor, and I always come back to it whenever I need a refresher on strong rights based arguments for libertarianism and anarcho-capitalism.

Rothbard explains, defends, and expounds upon the non-aggression axiom giving his readers a framework from which to deconstruct the state. On a more concrete level, Rothbard shows how the state is damaging of individual in all of activities, from involuntary servitude to the welfare state. All of this adds up to a nicely constructed libertarian lexicon.

Murray Rothbard is considered to be the most influential of the modern libertarians, and in "For a New Liberty: The Libertarian Manifesto" he demonstrates why. In an American society content with confiscatory taxes and military slavery via conscription, Professor Rothbard redefines the concenpt of liberty: the Lockean concept of liberty which America was founded upon. This concept is one of Man's ability to reason and the right to self-rule which comes from it. From bans on prostitution and drugs to the forced "trust fund" called social security, Rothbard relentlessly decries the paternalism and coercion of government and calls for a return to our nation's libertarian roots. Professor Rothbard's defense of an age of freedom passed is eloquent evidence of the immensity of his learnings. From economics and political philosophy to history and the present state, Rothbard wages the war of ideas on all fronts with passion and ideology backed by empiricism and logic. "For a New Liberty" questions the contemporary conceptions of both the left and the right and presents a more consistent, just philosophy for America. Anyone embarking upon a reading of Rothbard's text must be open minded and ready to accept what America once was, and can be again

Murray Rothbard, an "anarcho-capitalist," writes a brilliant promulgation of liberty, natural rights theory, and property rights all derived from a non-agression axiom.

This book is a great introduction to the "extreme" side of libertarianism, and although I don't agree with all of Rothbard's insight, I was blown away by his clear prose, meticulous logic, and thoughtful points that jump off every page.

Unlike the reviewer below who gave this book 1 star, I actually read it. Rothbard doesn't side step ANYTHING. He discusses economics from a refreshing free-market prespective, demonstrating the freedom such a market would allow. But more importantly, he tackles issues that many people think libertarians fear: roads, police, and the environment. His pollution solution is simple and derived from a Lockean theory of property rights: you own yourself; if pollution harms you, it is "invading" your property. Thus, pollution is a tort (something one can sue over), or it is illegal, because it is illegal to violate one's right to self-ownership without providing just compensation.

Property rights have a tradition grounded in John Locke's work on natural law theory. In fact, far from not defining property rights, Rothbard quotes extensively from Locke's "Civil Government" to define them AND he defends them throughout the entire book but extensively in the first chapter,"Property and Exchange."

Of course, if the reviewer from Mississippi State (who gave 1 star) needs someone to "define" property rights for him better than Rothbard did than perhaps he is beyond help. It also is nice if someone reads a book before they review it. Note: the reviewer claimed that Rothbard's ideas simply mean "one dollar, one vote." From an anarchist perspective there wouldn't be anyone to vote for.

Nevertheless, I can't say I agree with all of Rothbard's work. Anarcho-capitalism wins the moral argument, as Rothbard shows here and in "Ethics of Liberty," his in-depth scholarly work, but I am not sure it is a system that will ever come about without overthrowing the government, and hence using violence.

Perhaps I'm too pessimistic. But this book is still great for even miniarchists, or those interested in a clear articulation of libertarian solutions to current world problems from a natural rights perspective. There is no better philosopher to start with.

"For a New Liberty" is by far the best introduction to radical libertarianism that you can find. Beginning with the non-aggression principle, Rothbard builds a libertarian theory of natural rights and applies it to every aspect of social and political interaction. He picks apart the common justifications for government action, and then proceeds to make a case against even a minimal level of government. Although I am a bit skeptical concerning Rothbard's ideas concerning courts and law, his ideas are refreshing and challenging. Altogether, if you want to know what libertarianism is all about, don't start off with moderate libertarians like Milton Friedman or F.A. Hayek, but rather, pick up a copy of this work, and perhaps Ayn Rand's "Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal." The former will give you a solid introduction to the politics of libertarianism, while the latter will give you this in addition to the proper ethical and moral foundations of individualism.

In For a New Liberty, Rothbard puts forth a truly revolutionary ideology, firmly grounded in good philosophy. What sets this book apart from other Libertarian works is its complete self-consistency and philosophic basis. Unlike Milton Friedman, who never had a basis for his limited government ideas, Rothbard's Libertarianism contains beautiful logic and never contradicts itself. Rothbard begins with the self-ownership axiom, the statement that every man owns his body and mind, and deduces from there a brilliant argument for complete individual freedom, and the inherent injustice of government. The argument, as Rothbard acknowledges, closely follows the same argument John Locke made 300 years ago in his Second Treatise on Government.

Unlike Locke though, Rothbard does not defend the self-ownership axiom on religious grounds, he uses a 3 alternative analysis. This I believe is only one of two weaknesses in the entire book, not because it is wrong, but because the self-ownership axiom is so critical that I think it is worthy of a variety of defenses.

From starting with Lockean natural rights theory, Rothbard goes on from there to give comprehensive analysis of all the modern issues: public education, welfare, public transportation, monetary policy and inflation, criminal justice, environmentalism, and war. Though the arguments are rooted in theory and it is discussed, it is no hypothetical intellectual analysis. Rothbard uses a plethora of rich, illustrative examples, and analyzes them all well. His logic and analysis are so clear and consistent you may wonder how you could not have seen it before, or how it is possible to believe anything else. His writing style makes complex situations and ideas so simple that any layman can understand them.

Having said that, the ideas in this book are no doubt challenging. They fly in the face of the vast majority of people's thinking, and most people have probably never heard of an ideology so bold. The key is to look at the arguments through objective eyes, not to be rooted in previous biases, and not to reject Rothbard's ideas out of hand.

As I said, I believe there are two weaknesses in this book. The second one is Rothbard's strategy for the Libertarian movement that Rothbard lays out in the epilogue. It is far less detailed than a strategy should be, and leaves some gaps. He says what Libertarians must not do, which is compromise or advocate half-measures. He says which demographic groups Libertarians should go after, and suggests various ways to do this in print. However, what is lacking is laying out a methodology for Libertarians to win elections, which is critical, as this is the one thing Libertarians have never learned how to do.

One criticism I've read of this book is Rothbard's interpretation of the Soviet Union. He believes that Soviet aggression was largely a myth, propogated by the United States government in order to instill fear in the populace and create loyalty to the United States. He concluded that the USSR was not interested in spreading communism through military conquest, that they believed it would inevitably spread because it was right, and that their duty was to prevent capitalist aggression in areas where communism was in place. Critics say this is refuted by Afghanistan, but as this book was written before the Russian invasion of Afghanistan, it is clearly impossible to expect it to explain that. More importantly though, Rothbard wanted to make the point that nations which greatly oppress their citizens are not necessarily internationally aggressive, and that nations allowing greater domestic freedom do not necessarily eschew military aggression.

All things considered, this is the best book on Libertarianism out there. Despite being written in 1973, it has aged like a fine wine. Many of the points it makes have been demonstrated since its writing, and almost none of the examples are no longer relevant. If you are interested in Libertarianism, read this book first, then read Egaltarianism as a Revolt Against Nature, which delves deeper into some peripheral issues and economic analyses.

Reading this book in my late teens, the books clear and concise and well reasoned description of the case for liberty not only took me eagerly out of the confusion of the problems of society that I could see as a disillusioned Jimmy Carter enthusiast, but lead me deep into a hard core belief that Liberty can work. For those courageous enough to change their views in the face of solid scholarly evidence, this may be a life changer as it was for me.

Murray Rothbard was the twentieth century's leading advocate of libertarianism. Rothbard was trained in the Austrian school of economics, but was also a defender of a natural law approach to politics and ethics. Unlike most members of the Austrian school, Rothbard was an advocate of anarcho-capitalism, that is, society without a state.

This book represents a solid introduction to the theory and practice of libertarianism. Rothbard presents chapter after chapter dealing with how a stateless society would address all sorts of problems: education, foreign policy, law, and the environment, just to name a few. One of the books best chapters is "The State," which represents and outstanding introduction to Rothbard's thought. Take, for example, the following: "[T]he intellectual's livelihood in the free market is generally non too secure; for the intellectual, like everyone else in the market, must depend on the values and choices of his fellow men . . . . The State . . . is willing to offer the intellectuals a warm, secure, and permanent berth in its apparatus, a secure income, and the panoply of prestige." Another excellent chapter concerns the business cycle, in which Rothbard explains the boom and bust cycle of the U.S. economy in terms of Austrian monetary theory.

Of course, this work is not a substitute for reading Rothbard's more advanced works. In this respect, I highly recommend: Man, Economy, and State; Power and Market; The Ethics of Liberty; and The Logic of Action I & II.