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The Persian Night: Iran under the Khomeinist Revolution

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This is an unusual book. It starts like a political reportage about the twists and turns of the Iranian regime's radical policies but, very soon, develops into a journey to the depths of the Persian soul. The book introduces the concept of two Irans: one that is an ancient nation with a young population looking to the future while proud of its past. The other is a regime that has tried to efface the nation's historic memory and tries to keep Iran outside the mainstream of human life. This split personality produces erratic behavior that confuses both Iranians and outsiders.
Although the book offers a wealth of political information on present-ay Iran, its chief distinction lies in its emphasis on the role of culture in ultimately determining the destiny of the nation.
Some might see this book as a manifesto for Iranian nationalism at a time that the Islamist regime is trying to efface the very sentiment of Iranian-ness, replacing it with a curious reinterpretation of Islam mixed with elements of pseudo-Marxism, banal anti-Americanism and old-style anti-Semitism. Te reader of the book would conclude that the people who rule Iran today do not resemble, let alone represent, a majority of Iranians. These rulers appear like aliens from other planets, individuals with no roots in Iran's old history and culture that long pre-date the emergence of Islam as an Arab faith.
Of special interest to policymakers is the section devoted to the controversial concept of "regime change". Here the book is full of surprises, offering a range of new and tantalizing ideas that cut across partisan positions.
By heavily relying on sources within Persian literature and Iranian history, the author manages to put some major issues into proper context. These include the relationship between Islam and Iran, the role of the clergy in Iranian society, and the centuries old struggle of successive generations of Iranians for freedom. This is a political book written with the beauty of a poetical language. After all, Persians believe that only poetry can express the ultimate truth.

Although this is a book ostensibly about Iran's experience in the past 30 years, it deals with much larger themes, including what one might calla " clash of cultures." The author shows how difficult it is for Western decision-makers to understand a mind-set that does not obey any of the rules they are used to. At the other side, however, the Khomeinists understand the Western mind-set well. Many of them were educated in the West and lived in Europe or America. They know the weaknesses and strengths of the West and have learned how to manipulate them.
Taheri uses the image of Crazy Eddie to describe President Barack Obama's offer of unconditional talks with the Islamic Republic. He then puts that image in opposition to that of Martyr Hussein, and shows how the two would never be able to coexist in peace.
For all that, this is an optimistic book. The author shows how Iranian society is liberating itself from the Islamic stranglehold. he also suggests some intriguing ideas for opposing and ultimately overthrowing the present regime.

The amazing thing about this book is the ability of the author to slalom between high-flown schoalrship and down-to-earth witty osbervations into social and political behavior.
The sections dealing with the impact of Islam on the Iranian psyche and history, determining the Persian "ipseity", belong to the first catgeory. In the second category we find a whole set of "semiological" observations that reveal Islam's obsession with the appearances.
It really matters what kind of beard a man grows, and what kind of head-gear a woman wears. Men could be ostricized if not killed for the wrong beard. Women risk being disfigured by vitriol if they do not wear the right form of headcover.
Paradoxically, the book could be read as a defnese of Islam as Taheri shows in great detail how trhe Khomeinist ideology by-pases or totally ignores many of Islam's well-estalished principles and practices.

I lived in Tehran 1975-77 and got out just before the Shah did. I learned one extremely valuable political lesson while there. I was ambivalent about the Shah: one day I'd wake up and think he was doing a pretty good job for his country, but the next day, I'd wake up and think he was a filthy tyrannical scoundrel. By the end of two years, I'd worked myself around to thinking that, in any case, the Shah could be replaced because nothing could possibly be worse.

Bzzt. Wrong. Persians made the same error as the Cubans did with Castro; they carelessly assumed that nothing could be worse than the corrupt regime of Batista, and were they ever wrong! They're been saddled with Fidel Castro for 50 years now. In Tehran, the Khomeinists are still going after 30 years.

While I have always loathed the "religious" gang in Tehran, Amir Taheri has all the gory details in this book. He begins with the rather startling statement that the "Islamic Republic of Iran" is a TRIPLE LIE, since the government is not a republic, not Islamic, and not Iranian.

Well, I won't dwell on the fact that the government is not a "republic." I never thought it was, and the liberal columnists who thought it was have been rudely awakened by the events of 2009. (I wonder whether the "newly awakened" include Bill Clinton, who crazily imagined that Iran was a more vibrant democracy than the USA. Taheri documents this extraordinary fact; one wonders what Bill Clinton's wife thinks, now that she is Secretary of State.)

But "not Islamic?" Surely you jest, Mr. Taheri! If any government on earth represents Islam, surely the theocrats in Iran do! Right?

Wrong again. First, the ruling clique are Shi'ites, and the vast majority of Muslims are Sunni Muslims who hate the Shi'ites. On top of that, any candidates for "Supreme Leader" must come from the "Twelver Shi'ites," those who believe in the Twelve Imams and the future coming of the Twelfth Imam. (Sunni Muslims have no truck with Imams.) On top of that, Khomeini tried to get himself declared an Imam (Wow! Thirteen, as of last week!!) and failed, but still wrote in the Constitution that the Supreme Leader is allowed to suspend the rules of Islam when necessary!!

Can anyone say "heresy?" What would you think of a Pope who insisted that he could suspend the rules of Christianity when necessary? Would you tend to think that he was a wise ruler, or an absolutely certifiable control freak who thinks that his professed "religion" is whatever he decides it is, on a day-to-day basis?

Well, OK, the "Islam" of the Iranian theocrats may be zany, but at the very least they are (duh) IRANIANS (duh). How can you possibly deny that?

Don't ask me: ask Khomeini, who attacked the very idea of Iranian nationalism tooth-and-nail at every opportunity, who lost his temper (he was good at that) when someone suggested celebrating the Persian New Year, who tried to make Arabic the language of preference and thought of razing Persepolis. If you think Khomeini was any sort of "Persian," you make a serious error: he was the head of a world-wide ISLAMIC movement which happened to be located in (where are we today?) oh yes, in Iran.

To sum up so far: this is a fascinating book, full of tales of "how to become a mullah" (grow a beard, put on a turban, climb into a mullah's robe, and voila! The former pistachio farmer becomes President of that "Islamic Republic of Iran" ten years later and also the richest man in the country....)

This prescient book is MUST reading for anyone even vaguely interested in Iran, including the guy currently in the White House. According to Taheri, Iran right now is "a heaving volcano." For twenty years, the theocracy was a government that could not be overthrown, but that is no longer the case. Of course, governments do not overthrow themselves: someone has to do it. But it seems quite obvious that America should be on their side.

Or are we still more concerned about a Jew building a house in Israel, then about religious maniacs building nuclear weapons in Iran?

Highest possible recommendation!!!!

Amir Taheri has been producing insightful articles about Iran and the threat the Iranian Revolution has posed the world for some time. While focusing on post-revolution Iran, he also takes time to debunk myths like the one about the CIA staging the coup which deposed "democratically elected" Mossadegh in 1953, thereby making us to blame for everything bad that happened in the region since. It turns out that Mossadegh wasn't elected, he was appointed, and was ruling by decree after dissolving the Iranian parliament. Also, the British and American plots to depose him had FAILED when the vast majority of Iran (including the religious fundamentalists) got fed up and dumped him. Very much worth reading.

This book details the history and rationale of the Khomeini-led cult that has taken over the Iranian nation. It explains the Regime's fascistic outlook in detail, and contrasts its actions with historic Iranian and Islamic tradition. It is an eye-opener. Even though I feel relatively sophisticated on the Middle East, this book adds detail and depth, as it shows the thuggish non-Islamic method and danger posed by the Khomeinists to be wide and very real. (The similarities in methods of control of the regime and Hitler's early Nazi period, after ascension but pre-invasions of neighbors, is eerie. It is likely not accidental that it is so, based on what the author describes as fixations of the leaders of the regime on Israel, Jews, and Western nations.) This book is a very worthy addition to our understanding of what goes on in Iran, the threat and ambition of the current rulers, and also of Iran's historic interrelations with the Arab, Western and Ottoman world.

This is an outstanding introduction to the recent history of Iran and the fascist tyranny that has ruled this ancient people for 30 years. Among other things, Taheri explains the real difference between Shiism and Sunni Islam. They are quite major differences and I can see why the split has never been resolved. It is at least as big a difference as that between the Catholic Church and the various Protestant churches. For example, in Shiism the role of mullahs and the ayatollahs has been expanded and that of the Quran and even Mohammed are diminished. An analogy might be the role of saints in the Catholic Church vs the spare emphasis on Bible study among Protestant sects. The Sunnis would play the role of the Protestants.

He also makes clear that the rule of Khomeini had little to do with the precepts of the Shiite faith as he seemed more interested in power and dictatorial rule. As the years have gone by, the Iranian people have become privately much more secular as they are forced to appear devout on public. Since the American overthrow of Saddam in 2003, those who remain devout have turned to Ayatollah Sistani for spiritual guidance and the Iranian city of Qom has declined in importance as a religious center. This, of course, is contrary to the vigorous efforts of the regime to build centers of worship. President Ahmadinejad has recently complained that no new mosques have been built in Tehran. Actual attendance at services has declined as the mullahs have been discredited by their corruption.

Another recent trend has been the rise of illegal trade unions, culminating in the 2004 bus drivers strike and the appearance of "Iran's Lech Walesa," Mansour Osanloo. Taheri describes similar organizing by teachers and women's groups. Many union leaders have been arrested or killed.

Taheri points out that the regime in Iran bases its entire foreign policy on anti-Americanism and there is no possibility of a "grand bargain" with America. In the waning days of Bill Clinton's presidency, he became convinced that a breakthrough was possible, beginning with a "casual handshake" with the Iranian president at the UN. Clinton stationed himself in the corridor where the supposed handshake was to occur but the Iranian never showed up. They had decided humiliating Clinton was more valuable to their cause. The invasion of Iraq and the overthrow of Saddam gave them pause and, for two years, they suspended uranium processing and their nuclear project. Once Bush appeared to weaken in any intent to overthrow the regime, they resumed processing and in 2005 the election of Ahmadinejad signaled full speed ahead.

The events of 2009, following the fraudulent election of Ahmadinejad, suggest that Taheri is correct about what is going on in Iran. This book gives a nice history of modern Iran, from the constitution of 1908, which established a secular government and which is suspended while the Khomeini regime is in power, to the recent changes since the book was published. Even the election of 2005 was suspicious since Ahmadinejad was supported by only 12% of voters in polls. Election turnout has declined as people gave up on any ability to modify the dictatorial regime. Ahmadinejad ran as a reformer and against many of the corrupt clerics who have enriched their families while discrediting the religion they represent. He did have genuine support on that issue but not enough to win the election without the heavy hand of the regime. The 2009 election was even more obviously a fraud and the uprising followed.

Taheri was a newspaper editor in Iran before the overthrow of the Shah and obviously no friend of the present regime. Even so, the history he relates has been confirmed by others. The Wikipedia article on his biography lists a number of attacks on him but most of them seem to be written by defenders of the regime. For example, he is accused of not being sufficiently supportive of Khatami's "reform movement." Events since then suggest Taheri was correct. The book is a valuable window into the Iranian regime and I highly recommend it. It is also very readable.

This book is able to take a country that many people including some of our leaders do not fully understand and describe it in a way that is easy for people to understand. If anyone is looking for a single book to describe the very heart of the country and explain why the Mullahs react the way they do, then this would be the book to read.

Why does Iran behave the way it does? Why are its leaders so determined to be provocative on issues, like the Holocaust, that have nothing to do with Iran? What interest does Iran have in stirring turmoil in Lebanon, arming the Hizbollah and Hamas against Israel, inciting Moslems against America, and supplying explosives that kill NATO soldiers in Afghanistan?
These are some of the perplexing questions that analysts and policymakers interested in the behavior of the Islamist regime in Tehran have been posing for years. And these are some of the questions that Amir Taheri tackles in his new book " The Persian Night: Iran Under the Khomeinist Revolution" which covers the past 30 years of Iranian history.
The crux of Taheri's answer is that: today there are two Irans- two realities that, although overlapping and complementing one another on many points, are in direct contradiction in a number of crucial areas.
Taheri's analysis may sound too sophisticated to some readers. However, once we have cliqued into the book we are hooked until the last page. A journalist and former editor of Iran's main newspaper, Taheri, who now lives in exile in the United States, is not only a master of the English prose and a powerful writer but a magician with verbal images and structures that help explain complex socio-political concepts.
The parts of the book I enjoyed most deal with an introduction of Iranian culture and its tragic encounter with Islam as a result of the Arab invasion almost 1400 years ago. In that sense, " The Persian Night" is a major tribute to Iran's distinct national identity.
This book portrays the main leaders of the Islamic Revolution and the so-called "republic" they have put in place. It also surveys the principal ideological themes of the Khomeinist movement, tracing its links with fascism and terrorism. Policymakers would be especially interested in Taheri's depiction of the path that could lead to regime change in Iran. The book is truly amazing on tat account of only because it was written before the current national uprising in Iran started last June. The events of the past three months follow the pattern set by Taheri so closely as to give the impression that he may have had a hand in writing the script!

The possibility that the Islamic Republic in Iran may acquire a nuclear arsenal has been a subject of academic debate in many European think tanks for years. Some scholars believe that there is really nothing to worry about. For, even if Tehran did develop the bomb it would be deterred by the nuclear superiority of the United States, Britain and France. In other words, the principle of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) would work, as it did with the Soviet Union in its time. That theory rests on two assumptions: that there is a single decision-making mechanism in Tehran and that it acts rationally. In fact, European and American specialists have hotly debated the issue of the Islamic Republic's rationality for years.
This book shows that both those assumptions are wrong. Taheri, a former editor in chief of Iran's biggest newspaper, portrays a regime that is divided into two parallel entities, respectively representing the state and the revolution. The two entities work together when their interests coincide. However, when their interests diverge they operate as rival if not actual enemies.
Taheri's method recalls Lenin's famous pamphlet entitled "State and Revolution". The author of "The Persian Night", however, offers a much more detailed analysis of the dialectical tension that exists between state and revolution at a time of historic transition.
He also shows that while Iran as a state is capable and often willing to act rationally, that is to say in accordance with its interests as a nation-state, Iran as a revolution, or "the vehicle for a cause" is by definition doomed to irrational behavior.
The upshot of all this is that if the Islamic Republic does acquire the bomb it may not hesitate to use it when acting as "the vehicle for revolution". Thus MAD could only deter one of the two "entities" that make the Iranian reality today, that of Iran as a state.
Taheri's analysis may sound too complicated for many European and American policymakers, including our own Silvio Berlusconi who specialize in making deals with anyone they could make a deal with. Nevertheless, anyone who reads this book carefully would be convinced that no deal is possible with the Islamic Republic until it has resolved its inner contradictions.
"The Persian Night" has the great merit of being free of conventional wisdom and clichés. Taheri does not say what every other so-called "Iran expert" says. More importantly, he knows what he is talking about.
Lest this review gave the impression that we are dealing with a dry academic work let me assure you that "The Persian Night" is also a wholly enjoyable read. It is full of wonderful observations about aspects of Islam, Iranian culture and history, and the twists and turns of international politics. The chapters dealing with the status of women, Islam's attitude toward Jews and the Khomeinists' obsession with the American" Great Satan" are especially entertaining as well as informative.