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Didion brings a novelist's eye to her project, and she delights in exposing fakery. In describing one of Vice President Bush's visits to the Middle East in the 1980s, she notes that his advance team requested that camels be present at every stop--so that photographers could capture the supposed authenticity of the trip. Many of the essays in Political Fictions are, at a fundamental level, book reviews--and Didion's observations can be withering. She calls Newt Gingrich's novel 1945 "a fairly primitive example of the kind of speculative fiction known as 'alternate history.'" The accomplishment of Washington Post journalist Bob Woodward, she says, is to have produced "books in which measurable cerebral activity is virtually absent." Her targets are not always other writers: "No one who ever passed through an American public high school could have watched William Jefferson Clinton running for office in 1992 and failed to recognize the familiar predatory sexuality of the provincial adolescent." Needless to say, Political Fictions is not a celebration of American democracy. It is more like an indictment. --John Miller --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
Copyright 2001 Cahners Business Information, Inc.
--This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
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Didion has always had a sharp gift for observation. Who can forget her account of the Reagans at communion during the 1980 campaign? (Despite their ostentatious Christianity, the Reagans rarely attended church. So when they had to go to mass for PR purposes Nancy told her husband to just follow her example. When she accidentally dropped her wafer into the Communion Wine, Ronald did as well.) Who can forget her description of George Bush the first's tour of the Middle East in the mid-eighties? (In an attempt to peer bold and courageous, he had a photo opportunity in Jordan looking out with the Jordanian army at "enemy territory," which happened to be Israel.) This collection of essays looks at the 1988 campaign, then on to the 1992 campaign, the rise of Newt Gingrich, the emptiness of Bob Woodward, Dinesh D'Souza's book on Ronald Reagan, the Lewinsky affair, and the moralism of the 2000 campaign. Rather revealingly, we have Didion talking in 1988 to Madeline Albright, at the time a Dukakis foreign policy expert. Albright argued against a "no first use" policy of nuclear weapons on the grounds that without out the Soviet army would overrun Europe. Didion's contemporary comment ("she was talking about a world that had not turned since 1948') would be triumphantly vindicated over the next 15 months.
There are many other stimulating details. We learn of how Clinton the candidate falsely accused Senator Tsongas of being anti-Israel, and Governor Brown of being anti-abotion. Her description of the 1992 convention is an excellent preview of all the nervous opportunism of the next eight years. Didion's style is understated, it allows people to condemn themselves out of their own mouths, while its cumulative effect slowly increases. And so we learn how Newt Gingrich has been inspired by both Jefferson and Tom Clancy, De Tocqueville and Zen and the Art of Archery. We read about Gingrich's excessive love for silly lists (5 Pilars of American Civilization, 7 key concepts and 9 leading principles of Personal Strength, 3 key concepts of Entreprenurial Free Enterprise, Five Enemies of Entreprenurial Free Enterprise, and so one), as his belief that de Tocqueville was somehow an American. The pieces on Bob Woodward, Dinesh D'Souza and Michael Isikoff all show her strengths. Her account of D'Souza's hero-worshipping account of the invasion of Grenada is superb: she deflates D'Souza's breathlessness by reminding everyone that the invasion "entailed landing six thousand marines and airborne rangers on an island significantly smaller than Barbados." She also points out that the medals awarded exceeded the actual number of combatants, while pointing out that D'Souza lets slip that Reagan was closer to Oliver North than he let on. Her discussion of the Lewinsky affair shows the essentially bogus quality of Clinton's opponents. (And how could Michael Isikoff have missed the fact that Linda Tripp had previously testified in four previous investigations-Filegate, Travelgate, the Foster suicide, Whitewater-like a regular Titus Oates?)
Behind all this is the everpresent mediocrity of American political discourse. We see the complacency, the triteness and the incapacity for critical thought of the American media. We note the cavalier discussion of issues while half the American electorate does not vote. We see the shrill moralism of the American right, with bathetic references to "If" and the Saint Crispin's Day Speech and their contempt for Aemricans as most people show themselves to be amazingly uninterested in the Lewinsky affair. The concluding essay on the 2000 election gives one of the best explanations for Gore's failure. When economic models predicted he should have won easily, Gore and his running mate Lieberman adapted an empty moralistic rhetoric that did nothing to attract the non-voting public. At the same this moralism fought the election on the Republicans grounds, with "compassionate conservatism" meaning little more than non-Clintonian adultery. As we ready ourselves for war, it is now more urgent than ever before to read a work which already has a bead on the hollow rhetoric of "bi-partisan consensus" politics.
If you read Joan Didion's essays from the early part of her career, working forward, you can trace the peculiar manner as it emerges out of a mind insistent that empirical data lacks meaning, complex structures are always rotting, and writing is ultimately futile. What remains in the ruins is this highly deliberate, manicured style that is, above all, trustworthy-for the reader and the "migrainous, crabby" writer. Words are never out of place in Didion's prose. Her famous style gels during the period of "Miami" and "Sentimental Journeys"- her two masterpieces.
I wouldn't recommend Political Fictions to a new reader or someone unfamiliar with the players in Washington. There is a shift in these recent collected writings towards a kind of experimentally casual use of language within the syntax, where the author, comfortable with her method, relaxes the grip on her pen. The effect is thrilling for some of us, and apparently a chore for others.
For Didion literally nothing is holy or sacrosanct, and she savagely lambastes the cynical manipulations she attributes to the political elite in this country, who she pictures as systematically and ruthlessly engaging and using their power in the act of exploiting current events in inventing what they then characterize as the political drama of democracy in action. And, to Didion's credit, she understands that nothing is really quite as simple as it seems on the surface. Thus she describes a cynical manipulation of a national yearning for a nostalgic view of America in what is a mind-boggling juggling of the truth. What she discovers in this search through the highs and lows of the political landscape is a solipsistic political view, engendered by an almost comically vapid attempt to pander to the public in an attempt to perpetuate their vulnerabilities in order to maintain power and control. It is difficult not to empathize with her observations, and to subscribe to most of what she says, especially her pointed observations of how much worse, i.e. how much more extreme and more vicious the political process seems to have become. Yet I have to admit to a bit of surprise at the level of shock she professes at finding the political process, especially as represented by the two political parties, to be a patently self-serving enterprise that both individuals and groups engage in to serve their own selfish interests.
Thus, in tracing the plethora of ways in which such themes as a imagined American past are manipulated in order to further the aims of the political powers that be, she expresses horror to find that the two major parties, in concert with the electronic media, have consciously worked to deliberately narrow the forces within the electorate to a small but manageable cadre. Finally, in disgust she explore the ways in which this state of affairs winds up spawning a ruling class that is oblivious to, and unconscious of, the needs and wants of the general electorate. This leaves the reader to wonder whether her expressed rage is a creative tool, or if, on the other hand, she really was so naďve that all of this genuinely surprises her. Perhaps she was on Holiday from Smith the semester they taught about H.L Mencken and his celebrated works regarding the American political system. Yet this truly is a worthwhile book and one I recommend, because it is entertaining and very well written. Ms. Didion has a unique way with turning a phrase on its ear and making the thought she is making most unforgettable in the process. Just be sure you understand before doing so that much of what she says seems a bit disingenuous given her reputation for considerable street smarts and basic common sense. Enjoy